Kenya keeper the subject of match-fixing investigation
Homeboyz offer support to Matasi
Shimanyula backed Matasi, pointing to the fact the veteran has kept three clean sheets in as many games since joining the club a month ago."When we watched this video, we found that Matasi has not wronged the club," he said."In a video there can misinterpretations and false narratives and we cannot trust everything."He will keep playing for us because there's no wrongdoing on his part as far as we are concerned - unless there's evidence or the FKF writes to us to say they are suspecting the player of some wrongdoing."He is innocent until proven guilty and then we will act."The FKF has called on anyone with credible information to assist its investigation, with any reports to be handled with strict confidentiality.Shimanyula also challenged the Kenyan footballing community to provide evidence against Matasi."Kakamega Homeboyz is against any form of match manipulation," he said."In the past we've reported match-fixing regarding some of our players who fixed a game with the coach and punishments were handed down by Fifa."We have our own internal systems that we use to also look at match-fixing and I cannot speak on behalf of other clubs."As Kakamega Homeboyz we are asking anyone who has evidence of Matasi fixing a game to bring it forward."
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The Guardian
2 days ago
- The Guardian
Decolonizing Language by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o review – final words of literary giant
On 17 July 1979, the great Kenyan novelist Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o gave a speech in Nairobi in which he questioned the logic of an African literature in European languages. He had recently been released from prison, where he had been held after his critiques of corruption and inequality had touched a nerve among leaders of the recently independent nation. But his address provoked strong reactions for another reason: up until that moment, Ngũgĩ had been closely associated with the emergence of an African tradition of writing in English and acknowledged as a key figure in the rise of the novel as a major genre on the continent; his fictional work was often cited as an example of how English was being remade in formerly colonised societies. His early novels, from 1964's Weep Not, Child onward, struck a chord with a global Anglophone audience partly because they echoed the English novelists he had read as a student at Makerere University College, the Ugandan branch of the University of London, and Leeds University, the seat of 'Commonwealth' literary studies in the 1960s. By the time of his speech, Ngũgĩ was a member of the literary establishment in Africa, a leading figure in world literature, and a leader in postcolonial thought. And while it is true that he had challenged what he saw as the hegemony of English in a 1968 manifesto, On the Abolition of the English Department, co-written with two of his colleagues at the University of Nairobi, Ngũgĩ assumed that the abolition of English did not mean dispensing with the colonial language. In fact, for most of the 1960s and 1970s he shared a belief, common among the postcolonial elite, that a literature in the ex-coloniser's language could indeed be revolutionary. But now the novelist had decided to break away from English, to depart, as he put it, 'from Anglo-Saxon literature in order to reconnect to the patriotic traditions of a national and culture literature rooted among the people'. He would henceforth write in his mother tongue, Gĩkũyũ (known to Swahili and English-speakers as Kikuyu). It is therefore fitting that, in Decolonizing Language, Ngũgĩ, who died earlier this year aged 87, should return to the question of language as effectively his final statement. The 20 essays collected in the book rehearse positions first articulated in his earlier collections, Writers in Politics and Decolonizing the Mind; but the new book is notable for Ngũgĩ's attention to the dangers that mother tongues face across the world, from colonial Ireland to Sami Norway, New Zealand and beyond. Read together, the essays resonate as a manifesto for the mother tongue both as 'the very heart of our being and existence' and the ultimate firewall against 'spiritual domination'. The mission of Decolonizing Language, the 'revolutionary idea' encapsulated in the book's subtitle, is an incisive rejection of the notion that European 'languages are inherently global and best able to carry intelligence and universality' or that they function as the languages 'of power and normality'. Reading the book and reflecting on the many conversations I had with Ngũgĩ as he tried to come to terms with his exile after learning of threats against his life in 1982, I was reminded of how different the situation was in 1979, when the author made his 'epistemological break' with English. I had graduated from the University of Nairobi a few months before, and had taken up a job as a trainee editor in the local office of Heinemann Educational Books, which was at the time a major publisher of African literature. My first task at Heinemann was to edit Devil on the Cross, Ngũgĩ's first novel in Gĩkũyũ. The famous author had two demands of his young editor: he insisted that his novel be edited to the same standards as the works I was editing in English and that it be directed at common readers, not elites. I went to work on the manuscript, which he had written in prison; when it was all done, and as I sat back and watched the big smile of satisfaction on his face, it dawned on me that for Ngũgĩ writing a novel in Gĩkũyũ had been a kind of homecoming. The book's initial reception stayed with him for many years: 'It was read in groups at homes and factory grounds, on public transportation even, the literate becoming the 'present' author of the story,' he noted in 2010. Ngũgĩ's decision to break with English provoked strong reactions: it was hailed by writers and cultural activists working in African languages who had felt left out in postcolonial debates that privileged English; it was criticised by prominent African writers, including Chinua Achebe, the 'founding father' of African literature, who insisted that English was a necessary linguistic tool in holding together multiethnic nations. Ngũgĩ refused to concede; instead he embarked on a global crusade defending mother tongues as indispensable tools in the decolonization of the mind. In this context, Decolonizing Language can be read as the author's final take on the overriding theme of this critical project, a clear diagnosis of the challenges mother tongues face in a world defined by linguistic hierarchies. On a more personal level, the book is Ngũgĩ's last account of his displacement from his own native ground, an acknowledgement of the heavy burden that those who write and speak the language of the other have to carry. The arguments made in the book are exhilarating; reading them in the author's absence is undeniably poignant. Simon Gikandi is University Professor of English at Princeton. Decolonizing Language and Other Revolutionary Ideas by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o is published by Allen Lane (£20). To support the Guardian, order your copy at Delivery charges may apply.
Scottish Sun
7 days ago
- Scottish Sun
Bounty of $5m placed on warlord ‘Barbecue' who rules world's most dangerous city with super-gang who burn people alive
Click to share on X/Twitter (Opens in new window) Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) A MULTI-million dollar bounty has been placed on the head of a warlord who rules over one of the world's most dangerous cities. American prosecutors are offering $5 million for information leading to the arrest of a Haitian gang leader Jimmy Cherizier - better known as "Barbecue". Sign up for Scottish Sun newsletter Sign up 7 Former police officer Jimmy 'Barbecue' Cherizier Credit: Reuters 7 Armed gang members question locals in Haiti's capital of Port-au-Prince 7 Violence in Port-au-Prince has reached unprecedented levels and hundreds of thousands of civilians have been caught in the crossfires 7 The entire capital has been burning amid the civil crisis 7 Thousands of civilians are believed to have been caught in the brutal crossfire Credit: AP The vicious warlord has overseen bloody chaos in the Haitian capital Port-au-Prince, which now often resembles a battlefield. Thousands of civilians are believed to have been caught in the brutal crossfire. There have even been reports of rotting bodies littering the streets of the city as lawlessness runs amok. Cherizier, a former Haitian cop, now leads a gang alliance called Viv Ansanm. read more in world news PEACE PLOT Trump & Putin 'plan West Bank-style occupation of Ukraine' to secure truce This group stands accused of numerous atrocities including murders and kidnappings across the lawless capital. The US if offering a $5 million (£3.7 million) reward for information that leads to Cherizier's arrest. "There's a good reason that there's a $5 million reward for information leading to Cherizier's arrest," US Attorney Jeanine Pirro said. "He's a gang leader responsible for heinous human rights abuses, including violence against American citizens in Haiti." The indictment alleges that he and US citizen Bazile Richardson solicited funds from the Haitian diaspora in the United States. This money was then allegedly used to pay gang members and buy weapons in defiance of US sanctions. Irish woman among nine people kidnapped in horror planned armed gang attack on orphanage in Haiti Richardson was arrested in Texas last month. The pair helped "bankroll Cherizier's violent criminal enterprise, which is driving a security crisis in Haiti", according to Assistant US Attorney General John Eisenberg. He further said US authorities would "continue to pursue those who enable Haiti's violence and instability". Cherizier's nickname Barbecue is rumoured refer to him setting his victims on fire. Under rampant gang brutality, Port-au-Prince is now considered one of the most dangerous cities on the planet. Fighting between gangs, cops and citizen groups has ripped through the city, leaving its infrastructure in tatters. Health services are crumbling and food insecurity has grown increasingly acute throughout Port-au-Prince. A recent attempt by a UN backed Kenyan led security force failed to restore control from the gangs. Haiti was thrown into crisis when President Jovenel Moïse was assassinated by unidentified gunmen in 2021. Who is Barbecue? HAITI'S Port-au-Prince currently lies in the hands of the feared Jimmy "Barbecue Barbecue - who is rumoured to have earned his nickname for setting his victims on fire - envisions himself as a "revolutionary", a self-professed "man of the people". His methods involve the killing, maiming and extorting of anyone unlucky enough to fall within his turf - turning every day into a constant battle for survival for residents. The fired cop turned warlord has been taking to the streets with a renewed vengeance and a plan to overthrow the government. He is currently sanctioned by the UK and its allies for "engaging in acts threatening the peace, security and stability of Haiti". And his influence is fast increasing as the country spirals into further turmoil sparked by the 2021 assassination of the country's Prime Minister Jovenal Moïse. Ever since, a security vacuum opened up and Barbecue has been greedily exploiting it, taking over territory and expanding his coalition with other gangs to wage further war. G9 has also been responsible for repeatedly cutting Haiti off from its much-needed fuel supply by taking its main oil terminal hostage. In a savage display of strength, Barbecue paralysed the country several times by preventing the distribution of food, water and vital medicines, plunging it into a deeper humanitarian crisis. Barbecue's criminal career dates back to his time as a police officer, InSight Crime reports. He participated in an anti-gang operation in 2017, leading to the extrajudicial killing of nine civilians. In 2018, he led a group of seven gangs in a massacre in La Saline, Haiti's worst massacre in over a decade. Barbecue was then fired from the police force and a warrant was issued for his arrest. In 2019, he participated in a four-day attack across Port-au-Prince's Bel-Air neighborhood, killing at least 24 people. 7 A man searches through burning trash in Port-au-Prince
Daily Mirror
7 days ago
- Daily Mirror
Trump places $5m bounty on brutal warlord ‘Barbecue' who burned 70 people to death
Jimmy 'Barbecue' Cherizier has been indicted on charges of conspiring to transfer funds from the United States to fund gang activities in Haiti and now has a $5 million bounty on his head Donald Trump has placed a $5 million price on the head of Haitian warlord Jimmy 'Barbecue' Cherizier. The US Justice Department has accused the gang boss of funnelling cash from the US to bankroll his bloody criminal empire in Port-au-Prince. Officials announced the bounty - worth £3.7 million - offering the reward for information that leads to the capture of the 48-year-old former police officer. He is wanted in America for allegedly violating US sanctions. Cherizier, along with alleged accomplice Bazile Richardson, has been indicted on charges of conspiring to transfer funds from the US to support gang activities in Haiti. Richardson, a naturalised US citizen, was arrested in Texas last month. 'There's a good reason that there's a $5 million reward for information leading to Cherizier's arrest,' US Attorney Jeanine Pirro said. 'He's a gang leader responsible for heinous human rights abuses, including violence against American citizens in Haiti.' Cherizier, who leads the G9 Family and Allies alliance of heavily armed gangs, is accused of running a reign of terror across the Haitian capital. His street name is said to stem from his alleged penchant for setting fire to rivals' homes while the occupants are still inside. He maintains it comes from his mother's grilled chicken stand. In one of the most notorious incidents linked to his rule, 70 people were killed in 2018 when he allegedly torched 400 houses in La Saline, a densely populated neighbourhood in Port-au-Prince. The US Treasury Department placed him under sanctions in 2020, with the United Nations following suit in 2022. The gangs under his command are accused of murder, robbery, extortion, rape, targeted assassinations, drug trafficking, and kidnappings. According to US prosecutors, Cherizier and Richardson raised funds from Haitians living in America, funnelling the money through intermediaries in Haiti to pay gang members' wages and buy firearms. The G9 alliance played a key role in an organised assault last year that ultimately forced Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry from office, prompting the creation of a transitional council to take his place. 'Cherizier and (Richardson) sought to raise funds in the United States to bankroll Cherizier's violent criminal enterprise, which is driving a security crisis in Haiti,' said Assistant Attorney General John Eisenberg. 'The National Security Division does not tolerate criminal gang fundraising in the United States, and will continue to pursue those who enable Haiti's violence and instability.' Haiti remains the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere. The United Nations estimates that at least 3,141 people were killed in the first half of this year alone, despite the arrival of a Kenyan-led multinational security force to support the country's police. Much of the capital remains under the control of armed gangs, leaving ordinary Haitians trapped in a cycle of violence, fear, and lawlessness.
