
Why is Irish media so reticent about covering gender issues?
The phrase 'third rail' was originally coined to describe the electrified line that runs alongside train tracks, deadly to the touch. In politics and public discourse, it has come to signify any subject deemed too dangerous, too radioactive, too fraught to approach.
And while journalism in a liberal democracy is, in theory, about touching all the rails – especially the live ones – theory and practice often diverge.
Last week, the New York Times published all six episodes of
The Protocol
, a podcast series that represents a significant moment in the polarised US debate around youth transgender healthcare. The series explores how the standardised medical approach to gender transition in minors was developed in the Netherlands in the 1990s. Known as the 'Dutch protocol', the model recommends the use of puberty blockers and hormone therapy for carefully assessed adolescents experiencing gender dysphoria.
That protocol was later exported, adapted – and contested – elsewhere, including in the United Kingdom and United States, where culture war battle lines have long since been drawn. The New York Times podcast tells a story of shifting medical consensus, political pressure, and institutional confusion. But it also carries a subtext about journalism itself – how hard it can be for newsrooms to report accurately and fairly on an issue that cuts so close to the cultural bone.
READ MORE
It's worth noting that the New York Times has not emerged from this process unscathed. Over the past few years, its coverage of trans issues has prompted significant internal dissent. A 2022 feature by journalist Emily Bazelon questioning aspects of the prevailing medical model and an article by Katie Baker in 2023 titled,
When Students Change Gender Identity and Parents Don't Know
sparked public protests, petitions signed by some of the paper's reporters, and an open letter from celebrities and activists accusing the newspaper of platforming 'anti-trans bigotry'. Senior editors responded with unusually sharp criticism of their staff, insisting that journalism 'cannot exist in service of any cause'.
The Protocol feels, in part, like an attempt to reset. Bazelon is credited as an adviser on the podcast. The editorial tone is serious, sober, and almost anxious in its caution. There are no polemics. But the very act of producing it – at scale, with resources and rigour – feels like a line being drawn: a claim that this subject, however charged, can and should be reported on without fear or favour.
How to manage your pension in these volatile times
Listen |
37:00
Which brings us to this side of the Atlantic.
In the same week The Protocol dropped, Irish psychotherapist Stella O'Malley published a
blog post
recounting her own experience with Irish media. O'Malley, a founder of the organisation Genspect, is sharply critical in the post and in an interview on the
State of Us podcast
, of what she describes as the effective blacklisting of dissenting voices on the issue of youth transition by Irish media, including The Irish Times. 'In Ireland,' she writes, 'cancel culture doesn't burn you at the stake – it quietly leaves you out in the cold'.
O'Malley is particularly scathing about RTÉ, where, until 2021, she had been a regular contributor to national discussions on youth mental health. Since then, she says, her media invitations have dried up. She cites the Irish media's lack of coverage on key developments abroad, such as the closure of the Tavistock gender clinic in London following the Cass Review, or the recent UK Supreme Court ruling that sex, not gender identity, should be the basis of protections under equality law, as evidence of what she characterises as a systemic avoidance of uncomfortable facts.
Of course, O'Malley is now an activist with a clear ideological stance, and reasonable people can disagree with her conclusions or question her affiliations. But if activism were a barrier to participation in Irish current affairs programmes, there would be an awful lot of silence on our airwaves. What seems harder to deny is that, in her case and others, views that challenge the prevailing orthodoxy on gender identity are seen as beyond the pale.
This may explain a striking media gap. The Cass Review in the UK, a years-long, evidence-based review of youth gender services led by a respected paediatrician, concluded that the medical model developed in the Netherlands and exported widely was, in many cases, being applied without sufficient clinical oversight.
It led directly to the suspension of all routine prescription of puberty blockers to under-18s in the National Health Service. The Irish media coverage of this was scant, scattered and mostly relegated to the opinion pages, even though it had a direct impact on the treatment of Irish children, or that the largest political party on the island, Sinn Féin, was forced into policy contortions on either side of the Border as a result.
Why the reticence? There is a commonly heard view that to even enter this debate is to engage in a 'toxic' discourse imported from Britain and the US – best avoided in a mature, progressive society. But this is an odd position, especially in a media culture that otherwise shows little hesitation in following every twist and turn of UK and US affairs, from the post-Brexit travails of the Conservative party to the power struggles within the Trump White House.
The truth may be simpler and more uncomfortable. Irish journalism, like Irish society, is small. The circles are tight. The cost of stepping on the wrong third rail – socially, professionally, reputationally – is high. Better, perhaps, to look away.
And yet the issues are not going away. Ireland, like every other country, is grappling with questions of medical ethics, consent, identity, and law. Young people experiencing gender distress deserve compassionate, evidence-based care. But they also deserve a society willing to discuss that care honestly. And journalists, if they are doing their jobs, have to be part of that conversation, even when it's difficult.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Dublin Live
6 hours ago
- Dublin Live
Europe's first 'boil in the bag' funerals happened in Meath and are set for UK
Our community members are treated to special offers, promotions and adverts from us and our partners. You can check out at any time. More info 'Boil in a bag' funerals could soon be made available across the UK after Europe's first facility opened in Meath. This unusual method, officially known as water cremation or alkaline hydrolysis, offers an environmentally friendly, yet controversial, way to say your final goodbyes to a loved one. It is currently effectively banned in the UK, but could well get the legal go-ahead following the independent Law Commission's new consultation into funerary methods. And Ireland has paved the way. Already available across 30 US states, as well as Canada and South Africa, the first European water cremation facility, or resomation, opened its doors in early 2023 in Navan, Co Meath, Ireland. Traditional burials can lead to embalming fluid seeping into the grave soil, while each gas-powered fire cremation releases around 245kg of CO2 into the atmosphere, according to UK-based cemetery and crematorium development the CDS Group. By comparison, figures from Resomation Ltd, the founding body for alkaline hydrolysis, show just 28kg of CO2 is released into the atmosphere per water cremation. Unlike conventional cremations, these eco-friendly farewells, which take between three to four hours, also don't release harmful mercury emissions into the atmosphere. A body is loaded into the alkaline hydrolysis machine, which calculates the amount of water and potassium hydroxide required. The machine locks, and an alkaline solution then fills the pressurised tank, which is gently heated to 152°C (305°F). The remains are broken into their chemical components - amino acids, peptides, sugars and salt - leaving behind a liquid that is then cooled in another tank until sterile and free from any remaining tissue or DNA. Around 330 gallons of brown-coloured liquid will be washed down the drain, while the softened bones are ground to powder in a reducer, and presented in an urn to the grieving family. Back in 2017, Wired journalist Hayley Campbell described the process in colourful detail after seeing a resomator in action at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Hayley wrote: "Over the course of up to four hours, the strong alkaline base causes everything but the skeleton to break down to the original components that built it: sugar, salt, peptides and amino acids; DNA unzips into its nucleobases, cytosine, guanine, adenine, thymine. "The body becomes fertiliser and soap, a sterile watery liquid that looks like weak tea. The liquid shoots through a pipe into a holding tank in the opposite corner of the room, where it will cool down, be brought down to an acceptable pH for the water treatment plant, and be released down the drain." Noting that "it's not actually that terrible", Hayley revealed: "The human body, liquefied, smells like steamed clams." Although many scientists view alkaline hydrolysis as the future of the death industry, it's something many still feel squeamish about, while others object on religious or cultural grounds. Highlighting why this process is still a bit of a taboo in an interview with The Telegraph, Dr Lian Lundy, a wastewater specialist from Middlesex University, explained: "Some people view it as basically mixing up my loved one with poo in the sewer and they don't like that. But there's a lot that goes into the sewer that we don't really think about – waste from mortuaries and hospitals and all sorts of things that we don't know about – so from that perspective, it's not really any different." Join our Dublin Live breaking news service on WhatsApp. Click this link to receive your daily dose of Dublin Live content. We also treat our community members to special offers, promotions, and adverts from us and our partners. If you don't like our community, you can check out any time you like. If you're curious, you can read our Privacy Notice. For all the latest news from Dublin and surrounding areas visit our homepage.


Irish Times
9 hours ago
- Irish Times
UK sanctions two Israeli ministers as it increases pressure over Gaza
Two Israeli government ministers, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, have been sanctioned by the UK because of their comments on Gaza . Mr Ben-Gvir, the security minister, and Mr Smotrich, the finance minister in Binyamin Netanyahu 's coalition government will both face a travel ban and see their assets frozen. The move comes as the UK and other western nations seek to ramp up pressure on Israel's government amid the war in Gaza . Israel's foreign affairs minister Gideon Sa'ar said it was 'outrageous that elected representatives and members of the government are subjected to these kind of measures'. READ MORE He added: 'I discussed it earlier today with PM Netanyahu and we will hold a special government meeting early next week to decide on our response to this unacceptable decision.' Mr Smotrich and Mr Ben-Gvir both belong to right-wing parties which help to prop up Mr Netanyahu's fragile coalition government. Both have been criticised for their hardline stance on the war in Gaza. Mr Smotrich has campaigned against allowing aid into Gaza, while Mr Ben-Gvir has called for Gaza's people to be resettled from the territory. The UK and its allies have increased pressure on Israel in recent months amid aid shortages in Gaza, as well as suggestions it could launch a new large-scale offensive into the territory. Reports suggest only scarce amounts of aid are making their way into the hands of Gazans, amid a new aid initiative backed by the US and Israel, instead of the previous UN-run programme. The slow flow of food and medicines has prompted warnings of famine and starvation among the territory's population. In May, British foreign secretary David Lammy paused negotiations towards a UK trade deal with Israel as the Government sought to pressure Israel to abandon its planned offensive into Gaza. Prime minister Keir Starmer , France's president Emmanuel Macron and Canada's prime minister Mark Carney also wrote a joint statement last month warning that Israel's leaders risked 'breaching International Humanitarian Law', and calling for more aid to be allowed into Gaza. Mr Netanyahu responded by claiming the three leaders were on the 'wrong side' of history. In September last year, the government halted 30 out of around 350 arms sales licences to Israel, for fear they may be used for war crimes. Ministers insist that this means F-35 fighter jets used by Israel no longer receive replacement parts from the UK, and no UK-made bombs or ammunition are used in Gaza. Lord David Cameron has previously said he considered sanctioning both Israeli ministers in his final days as foreign secretary in Rishi Sunak 's Conservative government.


Irish Times
9 hours ago
- Irish Times
Why Donald Trump is only beginning his pursuit of the ‘enemy within'
It is a fraught moment to stage a military parade in America's capital. The display of tanks, aircraft and march-bys on Saturday will coincide with the US Army's 250th anniversary and Donald Trump's 79th. It will also come a week after Trump put the National Guard on the streets of Los Angeles – the first time in 60 years a president has done so in defiance of the state governor. The two situations are poles apart. In 1965, Lyndon B Johnson deployed troops to protect civil rights marchers from Alabama's trigger-happy local police. In 2025, Trump's declared aim is to protect federal agents and buildings from local protesters. Unlike LBJ's, Trump's mission is open-ended. Johnson was sealing his desegregation of the south. Trump, on the other hand, is only beginning his pursuit of America's 'enemy from within'. READ MORE That the protests are local is irrelevant. Neither California nor LA are mentioned in Trump's executive order that cites an obscure law to justify intervening anywhere. Think of LA as Trump's first beachhead in a national campaign. 'We're going to have troops everywhere,' he said. His order would also allow the federal army to be deployed on US streets. Trump's campaign of mass deportation is getting under way. [ Los Angeles protests: US deploys Marines as Trump backs arrest of California governor Opens in new window ] Trump has two advantages in his clearest step so far towards authoritarianism. The first is that he can claim a mandate. Throughout the campaign, he vowed to deport millions of migrants – with the help of the US military if necessary. In theory, public opinion is marginally on his side. Second, Trump knows there are enough masked Mexican flag-wavers among the protesters to supply him with the pretext to escalate. That is the point. Every rock hurled lands like a penny in Trump's wishing well. America's left should recall that Martin Luther King's protests were scrupulously peaceful. The goal of racist local sheriffs was to provoke violence. Though most LA protesters are peaceful, the infamous ICE – Immigration and Customs Enforcement – is having an easier job of it. To underline, Trump's claim is that the left is antinational, extremist and violent. The protesters, in turn, are defending due process, including for the millions of immigrants in Trump's sights. The US republic's future could hinge on which side is identified with the rule of law. [ Explainer: is it legal for Trump to use US troops to suppress protests? Opens in new window ] Who would bet against Trump in the battle for public opinion? Less than 200 days into his second term, he has trampled over more laws and ripped up more precedents than any leader in US history. He has enriched himself and his family with overseas crypto sales and golf resort deals, launched a war on leading universities and medical institutions, ignored serial court orders to give deportees legal rights, declared, paused and partially resumed economic war on the world, and targeted his enemies with investigations and stripped them of security protection. Trump's assault on democratic norms has been breathtaking in scale and speed. Yet his approval rating is still at 45 per cent. The Democrats have been helping Trump along. The party is split on how strongly it should fight Trump's deportations. The principled stance would be to do whatever it takes to uphold the rule of law. Deportations should happen if due process is followed. By contrast, putting troops on America's streets poses a mortal threat to federal democracy. That America's left speaks with many tongues is helpful to Trump, whose party listens only to his. Did you witness Republican outrage over Trump's threat of targeting Elon Musk's business empire? Neither did I. Ditto for his assault on America's leading law firms, foreign students, media conglomerates and scientific research. Here is where the LA situation is likely to lead. ICE is Trump's crack agency. Its agents are raiding restaurants, law courts, retail centres and day labour assembly points across the country. Trump's 'big, beautiful [budget] bill' will earmark $185 billion (€167 billion) for immigration enforcement, including ICE, which is more than the annual military spending of the UK and France combined. Wherever ICE raids trigger protests, Trump can send in the troops. Expect Chicago, San Francisco, Denver and other cities to feature soon. Do not expect Trump to back down. Stephen Miller, his militant henchman and deputy chief of staff, wants 3,000 immigrants a day deported and brands opposition to ICE raids as 'insurrection'. Expelling that many people will require a lot of armed manpower. The economic bill will show up in the form of higher food prices and home-construction costs. The toll on the US rule of law and social stability will be incalculably higher. – The Financial Times Limited 2025