
Friday the 13th jitters: Sensex tanks over 1,100 pts, Nifty slips below 24,700 as Israel-Iran tensions flare
Israel
launched military strikes on Iran, heightening geopolitical tensions in the oil-rich Middle East.
At around 9:19 am, the BSE
Sensex
was down 1,163 points, or 1.42%, at 80,528, while the Nifty50 fell 284 points, or 1.13%, to 24,608.
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Among sectors,
Nifty
Oil & Gas was the worst performer, falling 1.6%, dragged by losses in Mahanagar Gas, IGL, BPCL, and IOC. Meanwhile Nifty Bank, IT, Auto, Metal, and PSU Bank indices declined between 1% and 1.5%. In the broader market, the Nifty Midcap index slipped 1.1%, and the Nifty Smallcap100 dropped 1.5%.
The market capitalisation of all listed companies on the BSE fell by Rs 5.52 lakh crore to Rs 444.06 lakh crore.
Here are key reasons behind today's
stock market crash
Live Events
1) Israeli strike on Iran
The selloff was triggered by Israel's military strike on Iran early Friday. Israel said it targeted nuclear facilities, missile factories, and top military commanders in a 'preemptive strike' to stop Tehran from developing nuclear weapons.
A state of emergency was declared in Israel in anticipation of retaliatory missile and drone attacks.
Iranian state media confirmed the death of Hossein Salami, Commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guards. Israeli officials also claimed that several senior Iranian military officials and nuclear scientists were likely killed.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the strike a "unilateral action" by Israel and clarified that Washington was not involved.
The attack comes amid stalled nuclear talks, with a sixth round of negotiations between the U.S. and Iran scheduled in Oman on Sunday.
2) Oil prices surge on supply fears
Brent crude futures jumped $6.29, or 9.07%, to $75.65 a barrel by 03:15 GMT after touching an intraday high of $78.50 — the highest since January 27.
U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude climbed $6.43, or 9.45%, to $74.47 a barrel, after hitting $77.62, the highest since January 21.
These were the sharpest intraday gains for both benchmarks since 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, leading to a spike in energy prices.
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3 days ago
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Syria forms committee to investigate deadly Sweida violence
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EVN Report
4 days ago
- EVN Report
Syria's Disintegration
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Of the 1.2 million Christians who lived in Syria at the start of the civil war, an estimated 70-80% have since fled. Those who remain include the elderly, those without the means to flee, and those with nowhere else to go. Armenian Christians, like their fellow believers, were traumatized by the massacres along the Alawite coast. In the south, the roughly 250 Christian families of Suwayda were evacuated to Damascus, but their convoy was ambushed by Bedouin tribes seeking revenge against minorities they associated with the deposed Assad regime. This exodus represents more than just a demographic crisis—it's a cultural and economic blow. Syria's Christians have long been disproportionately represented in the country's professional class including medicine, law, education and business. 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This trend has manifested in growing restrictions: young girls being kidnapped and banning alcohol in many stores. Christian schools face particular pressure, as the new Ministry of Education attempts to impose mandatory curricula rooted in Islamic law . In working-class neighborhoods across Syria, Islamist preachers have grown increasingly aggressive, openly calling for Christians to convert to Islam. Meanwhile gender segregation is gradually being enforced in public spaces, including schools, transportation, and government offices. The Omnipresence of Turkey The second major concern for Armenians is Turkey's de facto control of much of Syria. Turkey has entered an undeclared conflict with Israel over the division of a zone of influence abandoned by Iran and Russia. In summer 2024, Syrian opposition militias shared plans for an Aleppo offensive with Turkey. Islamist rebels couldn't act without informing Ankara, which has been the Syrian opposition's primary backer since the war's early days. Both Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Syrian National Army (SNA, controlled by Turkish intelligence service, MIT) believed they had received at least tacit approval from Ankara before launching operations. President Erdogan had long opposed a major offensive, fearing it would trigger a new wave of refugees into Turkey. However, by early 2024, Islamist rebels sensed a hardening in Ankara's stance toward Assad after Damascus repeatedly rejected Erdogan's attempts to negotiate a political solution to the military stalemate. After Ankara's efforts to persuade Assad failed, HTS commanders presented operation details to Turkish generals. HTS founder Ahmed al-Sharaa (whose nom de guerre is Abu Mohammed al-Joulani), sent a clear message to Ankara : 'This path hasn't worked for years—so try ours. You don't need to do anything, just stay out of the way.' In the initial offensive, the Turkish-backed SNA seized large areas, including Tel Rifaat, from U.S.-backed Kurdish forces. After the fall of the Assad regime, MIT director Ibrahim Kalin became the first intelligence chief to visit the Syrian capital. He arrived in Damascus on December 12, 2024—just four days after Bashar al-Assad's fall––and prayed at the Umayyad Mosque. When Syrian leader Ahmed al-Sharaa personally drove the car that Kalin entered upon leaving the mosque, it sent a strong message about the close relationship between HTS and Turkish intelligence. Turkey's involvement in Syria runs deep. The Suleiman Shah Brigade was a central component of the anti-Assad armed opposition and part of the Syrian National Army, formerly Turkey's proxy militia. Until 2024, it operated in the Afrin region of northern Syria, exercising significant control over the local population. 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The Hamza Division, led by Sayf Boulad (also known as 'Abu Bakr'), is another armed group within the Turkish-backed SNA. This militia has conducted torture in detention centers where kidnapped individuals were held for extended periods. Many of these detainees suffered sexual abuse. This brigade sent mercenaries to Azerbaijan to fight against the Armenians in 2020. In July 2024, Abu Bakr, Abu Amsha, and Turkish politician Devlet Bahçeli—leader of the ultranationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Erdogan's coalition partner—met at the Grey Wolves' headquarters in Ankara to discuss the evolving situation in Syria. By December 2024, following the Assad regime's collapse, Abu Bakr and Abu Amsha met Bahçeli again, this time as victors. Both Turkmen leaders maintain connections to Alaattin Çakıcı, a former Grey Wolves member known as the head of the Turkish mafia. In July 2024, Çakıcı posted a photo on X (formerly Twitter) showing himself dining on his yacht with Abu Bakr and Abu Amsha . The accompanying caption urged Turks worldwide to support the Turkmen struggle.[1] On January 27, 2025, the city of Manbij witnessed some of the fiercest fighting involving pro-Turkish armed groups. The Hamza Division, refusing to disarm, clashed with the local branch of Ahrar al-Sham, an Arab group affiliated with HTS. On March 8, 2025, SNA Turkmen leaders Abu Amsha and Abu Bakr participated in massacres of Alawites along the Syrian coast. These MIT-linked operatives faced no consequences for their involvement. In December 2024, Turkey began negotiations to take control of the Tiyas airbase (T4) , located near Palmyra in central Syria. Ankara and Damascus are discussing a defense pact that would provide air cover and military protection to the new Syrian government, which currently lacks a functioning army. Turkey has already begun moving assets to secure T4. Their plan involves rebuilding and expanding the base once air defense systems are in place. Ankara intends to deploy surveillance and strike-capable drones, which would grant Turkey regional air dominance. The ultimate goal is to establish a layered air defense system at and around T4, with short-, medium-, and long-range capabilities. Regarding Syria's reconstruction, the leader of HTS told the pro-government Turkish daily 'Yeni Şafak' that Turkey—which sheltered millions of Syrians during the civil war—would be given priority over other nations. 'We trust Turkey to share its expertise in economic development with Syria. We will preserve our social bond. This victory is not just for the Syrian people but also for the Turkish people, as it is a triumph of the oppressed over the oppressor,' declared Ahmed al-Sharaa. Onur Genç, a Turkish national and CEO of BBVA (Spain's second-largest bank and the second-largest private bank in Turkey), added : 'For Turkey, this will be positive, as there is a lot of rebuilding to be done in Syria. Who will take charge? Turkish companies. The lifting of sanctions allows Turkish firms to go in more easily and Turkish banks to finance them—so this will help.' Since U.S. President Donald Trump returned to office, Erdogan has urged him to lift sanctions on Syria. Trump announced the decision on May 13, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio later confirmed a six-month suspension of the 'Caesar' sanctions on May 23. The two presidents maintained a strong relationship during Trump's first term, with Trump describing himself as a 'big fan' of Erdogan. Turkey's behind-the-scenes diplomacy forms part of its broader strategy to fill the vacuum left by Assad's downfall. This approach not only strengthens Erdogan's status as a regional power broker but also advances his domestic agenda. Ankara, which still controls vast swathes of northern Syria, has accepted Syria's plan to integrate the YPG—the armed wing of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)—into the new Syrian army. The repatriation of approximately 3.2 million Syrian refugees in Turkey, depends on rapid and stable infrastructure and housing development in Syria. With the lifting of U.S. sanctions and the partial removal of EU economic restrictions on May 28 (excluding those based on security grounds), Turkey stands to reap the rewards of its long-term policy of regional influence through Syria's reconstruction. What Should Be Done? For Syria, one thing is now certain: the authority of a central and inclusive state must be quickly restored across the entire territory. Otherwise, this magnificent country, home to extraordinarily hospitable people, risks plunging into a spiral of disintegration and all-out civil war. When Syrian Christian Michel Aflaq founded the Baath Party in 1940, he understood that Levantine societies needed unifying nationalism to escape fragmentation. Ethnic and religious minorities in any country need the protection of a strong state with a functioning system that, in practice, protects their rights. The late dictatorial Syrian Baathist regime had many flaws, but it did have one merit: it protected Christian minorities and guaranteed freedom of worship. If you are a minority and your children are threatened by bands of fanatical militants, you are left with only two options: exile or the creation of a stronghold. The question of minority rights is the dilemma that now keeps Syria's Kurdish, Alawite, Druze and Christian populations awake at night. Kurdish and Druze strongholds could likely endure for some time—Kurds drawing on limited support from Iraqi Kurdistan, while Druze areas are informally shielded by Israel. However, the Kurdish regions in Syria no longer benefit from support across the Turkish border, which is now tightly sealed, with Ankara closely monitoring and disrupting cross-border connections. The Alawite stronghold around Latakia, meanwhile, would likely not withstand sustained Sunni militancy for long, especially after Russia's withdrawal from its military bases in Tartus and Hmeimim. Syria's Christians, too few and too scattered, cannot even contemplate establishing a defensible bastion, unlike the Maronites in Lebanon's mountains. Since 2011, many Western analyses of the Syrian tragedy have been marked by a mixture of historical ignorance, political Manichaeism, and diplomatic wishful thinking. Armenians, as other remaining Christians, are paying the price. Footnotes: [1] In 1981, Çakıcı was arrested on suspicion of murdering 41 people as a member of the Grey Wolves. He briefly worked with Turkish intelligence while simultaneously engaging in drug trafficking, political assassinations—including the murder of his ex-wife—and targeted killings of Kurdish businessmen and journalists. Although imprisoned, he was pardoned in 2020 by Erdoğan, allegedly due to pressure from Bahçeli. Since his release, Çakıcı has issued threats against several opposition politicians.


Libyan Express
5 days ago
- Libyan Express
Israel, Syria reopen backchannel
Israeli and Syrian ministers meet amid Gaza and Sweida turmoil. Photo via AFP Senior officials from Syria and Israel are set to meet in Azerbaijan's capital on Thursday to discuss mounting security concerns in southern Syria, a diplomat familiar with the matter told AFP . The meeting between Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer follows a quiet diplomatic engagement between the two officials in Paris last week. According to the source, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the discussions, the Baku talks aim to prevent further escalation following recent clashes in Syria's southern province of Sweida. Al-Shaibani is scheduled to travel to Moscow earlier the same day, where he will meet with Russian officials to discuss bilateral ties and the future of Russian military installations in Syria. The visit comes amid renewed Russian efforts to maintain its strategic foothold in the country, especially at its Tartus naval facility and the Hmeimim air base near Latakia. The talks in Baku will primarily focus on the security situation near the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, an area of long-standing tension. Israel seized the Golan in 1967 and later annexed it in 1981—a move unrecognised by most of the international community. Despite the 1974 disengagement agreement, the region has witnessed frequent flare-ups and a growing Israeli military presence, particularly since the fall of former president Bashar al-Assad in December. The recent violence in Sweida, a majority-Druze region, saw fighting erupt between local Druze groups and Sunni Bedouin tribes before drawing in Syrian government forces and, ultimately, Israeli airstrikes. Israeli jets targeted both the presidential palace and army headquarters in Damascus, citing the protection of the Druze community as justification. The United States helped broker a ceasefire between the parties on July 18. Syria and Israel remain officially in a state of war since 1948, but a series of discreet meetings, including one in Baku on July 12, suggest growing efforts to prevent a broader regional confrontation. Syrian state media said last week's Paris meeting focused on 'recent security developments and efforts to de-escalate the situation in southern Syria.' The upcoming Baku session is expected to build on that dialogue. Al-Shaibani's Moscow agenda will also include discussions on foreign fighters, domestic security reform, and the revitalisation of diplomatic and security coordination with Russia. Despite the departure of the Assad regime, the new Syrian leadership under President Ahmed al-Sharaa has maintained close ties with Moscow. In January, Russia's then-deputy foreign minister Mikhail Bogdanov held talks with al-Sharaa in Damascus. Russia, which intervened militarily in Syria in 2015 in support of Assad's government, has been reassessing its regional posture amid shifting alliances. Thursday's talks could play a key role in shaping the next phase of Syria's security landscape and in recalibrating Israel's posture along its northeastern frontier.