logo
State assembly unanimously passes Special Public Security Act against ‘urban naxals'

State assembly unanimously passes Special Public Security Act against ‘urban naxals'

Hindustan Times11-07-2025
MUMBAI: Maharashtra has just become the fifth state in India to pass the Special Public Security Act (SPSA), despite opposition from civil society groups, who argue it is a tool to silence dissent against the state and undermine the fundamental rights of citizens. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, who also heads the state home department, said the act does not aim to stifle dissenting voices (Anshuman Poyrekar/ Hindustan Times)
The legislation, whose stated objective is to curb 'urban naxalism', was passed unanimously in the legislative assembly on Thursday. It was passed in its revised version, approved by a 25-member joint select committee comprising members of treasury and opposition benches, after some of its provisions were amended to placate critics.
According to the act, 'naxalism' is not limited to remote areas; its presence is increasing in urban areas through naxal frontal organisations. These organisations have been providing logistical support and safe refuge to armed cadres, leading to unrest among the masses, it adds. The state has identified 64 frontal organisations that are alleged Maoist sympathisers.
'The object of the bill is to control the unlawful activities of such frontal organisations. The existing laws are ineffective and inadequate to tackle this menace,' reads the act.
Civil society groups point out that the provisions of the act are open to interpretation and the sweeping powers they confer on the state can be misused to criminalise dissent, with provisions for stringent punishment. They also point out that laws such as the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) and Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) cover the activities referred to in the new legislation, adding that there is no need for a new law to address them.
Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, who also heads the state home department, said the act does not aim to stifle dissenting voices. While presenting the bill in the assembly, Fadnavis claimed Maoist activities are now limited to only two tehsils in Gadchiroli district.
'Active naxalism has been neutralised in the state. The number of tehsils with active naxals has reduced to just two in Gadchiroli, from the earlier four districts. This too will be finished in a year. At the same time, passive militancy is emerging rapidly with the intention of evoking anarchy and challenging the constitution and constitutional entities,' he claimed.
Fadnavis said the act had been proposed on the directives of the central government's advice to the states to pass a special law to curb naxalite activities. He told the house, 'Let me assure the state that the fundamental rights of people to speak up against the system will not be impacted by the law. Neither is it against left parties or meant to act against opposition parties.'
On why existing laws are allegedly not effective to curb 'urban naxals', Fadnavis said, 'UAPA demands the use of weapons and 'active violence' to book any person or organisation under it. The activities of left-wing extremists nowadays do not necessarily call for violence, exposing the shortcomings of UAPA.'
Barring the lone Communist Party of India (Marxist) legislator, Vinod Nikole (Dahanu constituency), all other parties supported the bill, although some MLAs expressed reservations over potential misuse of the act by the state. 'There is the possibility of misuse by subsequent dispensations as happened in the case of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act,' said Jayant Patil of the NCP (SP). Congress's Nitin Raut said the government has booked intellectuals and activists in the Bhima Koregaon case by calling them 'urban naxals'. Nikole opposed the bill, saying it is against the constitutional rights of the people.
After an uproar over the bill after it was tabled in the legislature a year ago, the state government sent the bill to a joint select committee for review. The panel received more than 12,300 suggestions and objections from hundreds of social organisations and civil society groups.
After five meetings, the JSC amended key provisions of the bill. It altered the title and preamble to clarify that the legislation would not be used against individuals; it would be used against Left Wing Extremist (LWE) organisations. The revised draft also restricted 'unlawful activities' to 'LWE' activities.
The operative portion of the draft was changed from 'a bill to provide for more effective prevention of certain unlawful activities of individuals and organisations...' to 'a bill to provide for the effective prevention of certain unlawful activities of Left Wing Extremist organisations or similar organisations.'
The advisory board, which will vet the government's decision to notify any organisation under the act, will be headed by a retired or serving judge of the Bombay High Court. The earlier provision was for the appointment of three persons qualified to be appointed as a judge of the high court. The investigating officer deputed in these cases would now be of the rank of deputy superintendent of police, from the earlier police sub-inspector.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Two senior Maoist leaders involved in 2009 Rajnandgaon attack killed in Chhattisgarh encounter
Two senior Maoist leaders involved in 2009 Rajnandgaon attack killed in Chhattisgarh encounter

Indian Express

time2 hours ago

  • Indian Express

Two senior Maoist leaders involved in 2009 Rajnandgaon attack killed in Chhattisgarh encounter

Two senior Maoist leaders allegedly involved in the 2009 killing of 30 policemen – including a senior cop – were gunned down in an encounter in a hilly forest area of Mohla-Manpur-Ambagarh Chowki district in Chhattisgarh's Abujhmad, officials said. The two Maoist leaders have been identified as Vijay Reddy, a Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) member, and Lokesh Salame, a Divisional Committee Member. They were killed in an encounter near Retegaav village some 70 kilometres from the district headquarters. The encounter occurred during a joint operation undertaken by the District Reserve Guard (DRG) and the Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP). According to the police, the two Maoist leaders were allegedly involved in the attack that killed 30 security personnel — including Rajnandgaon Superintendent of Police Vinod Kumar Choubey — in 2009. So far, no weapons have been recovered from the deceased, one police official said. 'The encounter spot is surrounded by a few hills. The forces had surrounded the Maoists and the encounter broke out in the evening and intermittent firing went on for an hour. While some Maoists got away the forces have neutralised two senior cadres,' Superintendent of Police YP Singh, adding that search operations are ongoing to find out if more Maoists were killed. The encounter comes at a time when Union Home Minister Amit Shah's March 2026 to eradicate Left Wing Extremism in the country looms. Nearly 230 Maoists have been killed in various encounters this year in Chhattisgarh — including 208 in Bastar region.

Spread awareness on Operation Sindoor during Ganesh festival: Fadnavis
Spread awareness on Operation Sindoor during Ganesh festival: Fadnavis

The Print

time2 hours ago

  • The Print

Spread awareness on Operation Sindoor during Ganesh festival: Fadnavis

Fadnavis instructed the administration to take measures to ensure that devotees face no inconvenience during the festival, beginning August 27. Fadnavis chaired a review meeting, attended by Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, his cabinet colleagues Mangal Prabhat Lodha, Pankaj Bhoyar and Yogesh Kadam, and Chief Secretary Rajesh Kumar. Mumbai, Aug 13 (PTI) Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on Wednesday urged Ganesh mandals to spread awareness on Operation Sindoor and swadeshi during the upcoming festival. 'He also expressed the expectation that tableaux based on Operation Sindoor be dedicated to the soldiers,' an official statement said. The chief minister instructed the grant of continuous five-year permissions to idol makers, similar to public Ganesh mandals. He said idol makers should renew these permits every year. They should also take advantage of the computerised single-window system introduced by the municipal corporation for permission applications. The CM directed that the number of artificial ponds for immersing idols and boats used for deep sea immersions be increased. In view of the state festival status accorded to Ganesh festival, extensive planning has been undertaken to celebrate it on a large scale. All concessions given to Ganesh mandals last year will be continued this year as well. Fadnavis said the law should be followed while celebrating the festival. As Eid-e-Milad also falls during the Ganesh festival period, care should be taken to maintain religious harmony and ensure that law and order are not disturbed. He said the state government will take positive steps, within the limits set by the court, to extend the number of days for which permission is granted to use loudspeakers during the festival. It was decided not to levy property tax on the offices of Ganesh mandals if they give written declarations that these places are not used for commercial purposes. PTI PR NSK This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

Dear Editor I Disagree: Malegaon bombing, Mumbai train blast probes were very different failures by the state
Dear Editor I Disagree: Malegaon bombing, Mumbai train blast probes were very different failures by the state

Indian Express

time3 hours ago

  • Indian Express

Dear Editor I Disagree: Malegaon bombing, Mumbai train blast probes were very different failures by the state

The editorial 'Malegaon questions' (IE, August 4) correctly points out that the acquittals in the Malegaon case and the Mumbai train blasts case 'just 10 days apart' raise 'serious and urgent questions about the perils of the due process of justice'. However, the two cases proceeded in very different ways and present shocking contrasts — including in the political response to the verdicts — in the lapses they underline. A bomb blast took place in Malegaon, Maharashtra, on September 29, 2008, killing six people and injuring 101. The prosecution examined more than 300 witnesses. Over time, several accused were discharged from various charges, and some of those discharge orders were later set aside by the High Court. Despite the involvement of three premier investigating agencies, the Local Crime Branch (Malegaon, Nashik), the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS), and the National Investigation Agency (NIA); the trial concluded after 17 years. Ultimately, all the accused were acquitted. The trial's outcome underlined a glaring failure of our criminal justice system. Despite exhaustive efforts, the agencies could only establish a suspicion of involvement, not evidence strong enough to secure a conviction. The court categorically held that the prosecution must prove guilt 'beyond reasonable doubt' and that 'no reliable, cogent, and acceptable evidence' existed to warrant a conviction. Furthermore, it reminded us that courts are not meant to 'proceed on popular or predominant public perceptions'. Even more shocking is the prosecution's failure to validate the administrative sanctions required to prosecute the accused under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA); sanctions issued by top-level bureaucrats. The court attributed this to selective evidence collection and procedural lapses. It remarked that the investigation showed signs of 'unwarranted procedure in collection of samples' and a 'failure to perform their own duty.' Contrast this with the July 11, 2006 Mumbai train blasts, in which seven coordinated explosions killed 187 people and injured over 800. The ATS arrested and charge-sheeted 13 accused. The trial concluded in six years, with all 13 being convicted. However, on appeal, the Bombay High Court found that there was no legally tenable evidence to sustain the convictions. All 13 were acquitted. In both cases, the investigating and prosecuting agencies stand exposed. The heads of these agencies should hang their heads in shame. They have betrayed the trust of victims, their families, and the public at large. These failures are not just administrative lapses; they are systemic breaches of a constitutional duty. In our system, criminal prosecutions too often serve as tools for propaganda rather than delivering justice. From the day of the incident through the trial, media coverage tends to focus on narratives based on the identity of the suspects or the political sensitivity of the matter, rather than objectively examining the facts. This creates a 'feel-good' atmosphere for investigators and prosecutors, encouraging complacency and negligence. What investigators must understand is this: Guilt must be proved with solid, admissible evidence. Courts are not meant to be sympathetic to investigative lapses. They are bound by constitutional mandates and legal precedents set by the Supreme Court of India. Courts cannot and must not lower evidentiary standards to accommodate poorly built cases. Now, consider the responses of the Maharashtra government and political leadership to these two verdicts. In the Mumbai train blast case, when the Bombay High Court pronounced its acquittal on July 21, 2025, the state government filed an appeal in the Supreme Court on the same day. A stay on the acquittal was granted on July 24, 2025. In sharp contrast, when the Malegaon blast verdict was delivered on July 31, acquitting all accused, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra immediately issued a public statement exonerating them. He claimed that the previous government had falsely implicated the accused due to their affiliation with a 'saffron group', conveniently forgetting the facts of the Mumbai train blast case. Instead of committing to finding the real perpetrators or announcing that the verdict would be appealed, as was done in the Mumbai case, the government gave a clean chit to the accused within hours. Most of the accused in the Malegaon case were granted bail during the prolonged trial, after spending seven to nine years in custody. Once released, one went on to contest elections and served as a Member of Parliament, while another re-joined the Indian Army. Others resumed their lives outside prison. In stark contrast, the accused in the Mumbai train blast case remained incarcerated from 2006 until their acquittal in 2025; nearly two decades behind bars. These blatant disparities raise serious questions about the fairness, consistency, and accountability of our criminal justice system; questions that the system must answer. Justice cannot be selective. The detention of accused persons cannot continue without accountability. Justice cannot depend on who the victim is or what religious or political group the accused belongs to. Until our investigative agencies are made accountable, we will continue to see such tragic failures, and victims will continue to be denied justice. The writer is senior advocate, Supreme Court of India

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store