ieExplains: What is the two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict?
The announcement, coming after France declared that it will recognise a Palestinian state in September, has put renewed focus on the two-state solution to the conflict.
Canadian prime minister, Mark Carney, has also announced his country plans to formally recognise Palestine during the UN general assembly if certain conditions were met.
This is the idea of bringing peace through the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel in territory Israel captured in a 1967 war. But the idea has long faced obstacles, and these have only grown with time.
They include accelerating Jewish settlement in occupied land, and uncompromising positions on core issues including borders, the fate of Palestinian refugees, and the status of Jerusalem.
WHAT ARE TWO-STATE SOLUTION'S ORIGINS?
Conflict occurred in British-ruled Palestine between Arabs and Jews who had migrated to the area, seeking a national home as they fled antisemitic persecution in Europe and citing biblical ties to the land throughout centuries in exile.
In 1947, the United Nations agreed a plan partitioning Palestine into Arab and Jewish states with international rule over Jerusalem. Jewish leaders accepted the plan, which gave them 56% of the land. The Arab League rejected it.
The state of Israel was declared on May 14, 1948. A day later, five Arab states attacked. The war ended with Israel controlling 77% of the territory.
Palestinians inspect the site struck by an Israeli bombardment in Muwasi, Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Monday, July 28, 2025. (AP Photo/Mariam Dagga)
Some 700,000 Palestinians fled or were driven from their homes, ending up in Jordan, Lebanon and Syria as well as in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
In a 1967 war, Israel captured the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, from Jordan and Gaza from Egypt, securing control of all territory from the Mediterranean to the Jordan valley.
Although 147 of the 193 U.N. member states already recognise Palestine as a state, it is not itself a U.N. member, meaning most Palestinians are not recognised by the world body as citizens of any state. Around 3.5 million live as refugees in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan and 5.5 million live in territories captured by Israel in 1967. Another 2 million live in Israel as Israeli citizens.
HAS A DEAL EVER BEEN CLOSE?
The two-state solution was the bedrock of the US-backed peace process ushered in by the 1993 Oslo Accords, signed by Yasser Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
The accords led the PLO to recognise Israel's right to exist and renounce violence, and to the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Palestinians hoped this would be a step towards an independent state, with East Jerusalem as the capital.
The process suffered heavy pushback on both sides.
Hamas, an Islamist movement, carried out suicide attacks that killed scores of Israelis, and in 2007 seized Gaza from the PA in a brief civil war. Hamas' 1988 charter advocates Israel's demise, though in recent years it has said it would accept a Palestinian state along 1967 borders. Israel says such statements by Hamas are a ruse.
In 1995, Rabin was assassinated by an ultranationalist Jew seeking to derail any land-for-peace deal with the Palestinians.
In 2000, US President Bill Clinton brought Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to Camp David to clinch a deal, but the effort failed.
The fate of Jerusalem, deemed by Israel as its "eternal and indivisible" capital, was the main obstacle.
The conflict escalated with a second Palestinian intifada (uprising) in 2000-2005. US administrations sought to revive peacemaking - to no avail, with the last bid collapsing in 2014.
WHAT MIGHT PALESTINE LOOK LIKE?
Advocates of the two-state solution have envisaged a Palestine in the Gaza Strip and West Bank linked by a corridor through Israel.
Palestinians heading to receive food and humanitarian aid packages from the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a U.S.-backed organization, in Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Monday, June 9, 2025. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)
Two decades ago, details of how it might work were set out in a blueprint by former Israeli and Palestinian negotiators. Known as The Geneva Accord, opens new tab, its principles include recognition of Jerusalem's Jewish neighbourhoods as the Israeli capital, and recognition of its Arab neighbourhoods as the Palestinian capital, and a demilitarised Palestinian state.
Israel would annex big settlements and cede other land in a swap, and resettle Jewish settlers in Palestinian sovereign territory outside there.
IS A TWO-STATE SOLUTION POSSIBLE?
While Israel withdrew settlers and soldiers from Gaza in 2005, settlements expanded in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, their population rising from 250,000 in 1993 to 700,000 three decades later, according to Israeli organisation Peace Now. Palestinians say this undermines the basis of a viable state.
Jewish settlement in the West Bank has accelerated sharply since the start of the Gaza war.
During the Second Intifada two decades ago, Israel also constructed a barrier that it said was intended to stop Palestinian suicide bombers from entering its cities. Palestinians call it a land grab.
The PA led by President Mahmoud Abbas administers islands of West Bank land enveloped by a zone of Israeli control comprising 60% of the territory, including the Jordanian border and the settlements - arrangements set out in the Oslo Accords.
Netanyahu's government is the most right-wing in Israeli history and includes religious nationalists who draw support from settlers. The far-right finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, has said there is no such thing as a Palestinian people.
Netanyahu said on July 7 he wanted peace with the Palestinians but described any future independent state as a potential platform to destroy Israel, saying control of security must remain with Israel.
Hamas won elections in 2006 and a year later drove forces loyal to Abbas out of Gaza, fragmenting the territories where the Palestinians hope to establish their state.
Hamas and Israel have fought repeated wars since then, culminating in the attacks on communities in southern Israel on October 7, 2023, that ignited the current Gaza war.
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Irish Independent
2 hours ago
- Irish Independent
Letters: Occupied Territories Bill is about morality, not economics
I believe that Ireland taking this stance sends out a powerful signal to the world that this country is adopting a strong line on what is happening in the occupied territories. One must not forget that some of the same arguments being posited by Mr Shatter were the same ones that were made against anti-apartheid measures and how this would have a negative impact on black people in South Africa. I am curious about what Mr Shatter has to say about the seven innocent Gazan children who were recently killed by the Israeli military while waiting for water at a distribution point. This is about morality, not economics. John O'Brien, Clonmel, Co Tipperary Criticism is far from being antisemitism Madam — Criticism of the state of Israel is not antisemitism. Alan Shatter's column repeatedly refers to the targeting of Jews, rather than Israel, so he can level accusations of antisemitism. The settlements he refers to have been declared illegal by the UN, but he suggests they should not be subject to sanction because there are Jews present. Religion should be a matter of personal choice, not state policy. Mark O'Hagan, Ballinacurra, Midleton, Co Cork Zionism is more like English plantation Madam — A more bizarre and ridiculous statement is hard to imagine than that made by Alan Shatter in your last edition: 'Zionism is nothing other than a belief in the right of the Jewish people to self-determination in their ancient homeland. It is no different to the belief that the Irish people have the right to self-determination on the island of Ireland.' In the first and second centuries AD, the Romans drove out most of the Jews from what are today called Palestine and Israel. In the late 19th century, a sectarian, colonialist ideology was invented in the form of Zionism. This entailed Jewish plantation in Palestine and dispossession of Arabs of the lands where they had been living for almost two millennia. If a comparison is to be made with Ireland, it is not insultingly with the Irish freedom struggle, but rather with the English plantations that began here in the 16th century in an attempt to supplant the native Irish. The idea of an 'ancient homeland' of the Jews goes back to a situation that prevailed about 2,000 years ago and rests on a theological notion of a 'chosen people' in a 'promised land'. As for 'self-determination', that does not attach to a religion, but to a people living in a territory where they have been located for most of modern (and often medieval history), namely the Arabs in historic Palestine 'from the river [Jordan] to the sea'. Daltún Ó Ceallaigh, Rathmines, Dublin 6 Claims about Irish jobs are hysterical Madam — Alan Shatter has misinterpreted the Occupied Territories Bill, which will probably include services as well as goods. While the value of these is small, the purpose of the bill is to draw attention to Israel's illegal annexation in the West Bank, undermining the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. None of his proposed arguments are correct. The bill does not discriminate against Jews. The conflict in Gaza would not have ended if Hamas had released the hostages. In spite of Joe Biden's pleas, Benjamin Netanyahu declared all-out war. The passing of the bill would have no effect on Hamas. The enforcement of the bill is a matter for the Irish Government, but it must be passed regardless of the hysteria about its potential effect on Irish jobs. There will be no effect on jobs as countries invest only where it is advantageous to do so. Teresa Mitchell, Arklow, Co Wicklow Israel has terrorised Palestine since 1948 Madam — After reading Alan Shatter's column, I would like to point out that the war on Palestinians did not start after the Hamas outrage on October 7, 2023. It started with the Deir Yassin massacre of Palestinians in April, 1948, which led to the mass exodus of 430,000 Palestinians fleeing in terror. Israel has forcibly occupied, ethnically cleansed and practised apartheid against the Palestinian people ever since. Daniel Teegan, Listarkin, Union Hall, Co Cork Bill is an important symbol of resistance Madam — While Alan Shatter earned a serious reputation as a politician, his analysis of the Occupied Territories Bill is flawed. It fails to recognise the legislation as an important symbol of resistance in a world that turns a blind eye to killing and destruction on a scale that was never meant to happen again. Mr Shatter is eloquent in reflecting the Israeli narrative, but is unfortunately silent on the other side of the story. Richard Collis, Castleknock, Dublin 15 Irish women are ready to fight for trans rights Madam — John Boyne's article about JK Rowling ('An ode to my friend JK Rowling on her 60th birthday', July 27) refers to 'grown women' who support trans rights as being 'complicit in their own erasure' and likens our support of trans people to 'being ready to pin a handmaiden down as her husband rapes her'. Growing up in Ireland in the 1970s, 80s and 90s, I am one of the 'grown women' he refers to. I remember vividly the treatment of women who did not look or act as we were told we should; the vitriol with which queer people were spoken about and treated; the scorn and shame heaped on parents of gay people; the Aids epidemic; the Kerry Babies trial; and I remember Ann Lovett, dying cold, alone and terrified. The 'grown women' of Ireland remember very well what erasure and control and lack of bodily autonomy feels like,and it is for that very reason that we stand so passionately with the trans community today. Over 10,000 people marched for trans rights through the streets of Dublin. They, like me, simply want for the trans community what we want for ourselves — dignity, respect and the right to make medical decisions about our bodies in privacy with our doctors. Karen Sugrue, co-chair, Mammies for Trans Rights, Co Limerick Size of march shows where support lies Madam — On checking my diaries, I discover that I weighed just under 10 stone in 2015, at the time the Gender Recognition Act came into law. Far from being erased, as John Boyne would have it, there appears to be considerably more of me today. I wholeheartedly support the rights of transgender people to live their best, authentic lives, and, as a woman who has been a feminist since the 1970s, I know this does not affect my rights in any way. The 10,000 people who marched at Trans and Intersex Pride in Dublin last month would seem to agree. The 'greatest sin of our time' is not transphobia, but, as so often in our past, the failure to believe women when we tell you who we are. Bernie Linnane, Dromahair, Co Leitrim Boyne far removed from female minds Madam — John Boyne writes in support of JK Rowling and especially commends what he describes as her advocacy on behalf of women. He breezily dismisses her critics as being either middle-aged men, young people 'indoctrinated by social media' or dangerously misinformed women. According to Boyne, this last group is perhaps the worst. I wonder what makes Boyne such an expert, either on what women need or why so many of us disagree with Rowling's activism? Might he, too, be a middle-aged man taking out his frustration? Perhaps he should allow Irish women to think and speak for ourselves. Tracey Nutterfield, Newcastle West, Co Limerick Planning system works fine without Haughey-style fixes Madam — Fianna Fáil MEP Barry Cowen presented us last week with his conviction that the Government needs to follow the questionable example of Charles Haughey when it comes to planning obstacles ('Say what you like about Haughey, he knew how to unblock planning — Cowen', July 27). I was one of those who appealed in the case that he gives as an example, a Midlands beef-chilling plant that was approved in 2019 and 'is still in the courts six years later'. We appealed in the common good because, chief among other problems, there was a critical question of river pollution with a large-scale abattoir and meat processing plant development. The Environmental Protection Agency was directed to give evidence in court regarding the stream that ran through the site. An Bord Pleanála conceded its case as the flaws in its arriving at granting planning permission became evident. We should all be grateful that the court system upholds the law for the common good. In this, the Banagher Chilling case, the court system allowed equitable consideration of the realities on both sides and facilitated the exposure of more than might otherwise have emerged. Desmond Kampff, Ballyeighter, Coolfin, Banagher, Co Offaly McEntee must not turn to usual suspects Madam — Helen McEntee has announced that she intends to hold a National Convention on Education, calling it the 'largest ever conversation on education since the foundation of the State'. I am delighted to hear this because I am deeply concerned by the direction being taken by the Department of Education, from the imposition of gender ideology to the introduction of inappropriate content in Relationships and Sexuality Education (RSE). However, I am also concerned that those allowed to contribute to this conversation will be the usual suspects, namely the organisations funded by the Government to lobby the Government to put in place the things the Government wants put in place, to create the sort of society the Government wants and the sort of people the Government wants in it. Will the voices of ordinary parents be ignored, as they were during the 'consultation' on the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) review of RSE, with the NCCA drawing the conclusion: 'It was evident that a large number of online submissions arose through an organised campaign targeting members of the public.' Did it not occur to them that parents would not have availed of a template provided by a grassroots organisation that did represent their views if they had felt represented by the mostly government-funded organisations they knew would otherwise dominate the consultation? E Bolger, Dublin 9 Irish across world feel the pull of final Madam — Reading Tommy Conlon's fine piece on the great annual migration to Croke Park reminded me of one of my favourite moments during the All-Ireland final ('Get ready to witness our great annual migration', July 27). It's when the commentator throws a shout-out to those tuning in from far-flung places — Sydney, Vancouver, London. A nod, but one that says 'we know you're still with us'. In the 1970s, I joined a kind Kerryman called Jerry Cronin, a fire captain in Millbrae, California, as he headed off at 6.30am to a house in San Francisco's Sunset District. Forty of us would gather there in the basement to hear a match relayed via telephone: someone in Ireland held the phone to the radio and someone in San Francisco held another to the speaker system. Crude, but strangely heroic. Tommy Conlon was right to frame this as a great migration. But it's not just a movement across the Irish landscape — it's a deeper, older pull that crosses oceans and time zones. The GAA travels well, and long may it. Enda Cullen, Tullysaran, Co Armagh Conlon captured the magic of showdown Madam — I thought I had devoured all the columns on the All-Ireland football final last Sunday morning in your sports pages. But once again the best piece was Tommy Conlon in the main section of your paper. It was a pleasant and wonderful surprise to come upon this brilliant take on the similarity and diversity of the two counties. His paragraph imagining David Attenborough's take on affairs was right on the mark. John McCann, Co Donegal Are Healy-Raes the men of the match? Madam — At the All-Ireland football final, I could not help thinking about Shane Ross's column ('TDs get €275bn of camouflage for their special deals', July 27) and the joke about Michael Lowry extracting a promise from Micheál Martin that if Tipperary met Cork in an All-Ireland final, Cork would concede. As the Kingdom ran away with it last Sunday, I started to wonder if the Healy-Rae brothers won a similar arrangement for Kerry in return for their support for the Government. Thomas Garvey, Claremorris, Co Mayo Boring football in need of an overhaul Madam — Despite the new 'improvements' being trialled for men's Gaelic football, this year's All-Ireland was still boring and a hard watch. With nearly 500 hand passes and the over and back possession game outside the big arc, and players virtually unchallenged as one team kept possession, it was like two boxers refusing to engage. And to pay €100 to watch that. Instead of tinkering with the rules, is it time to go back to scratch and come up with a totally new game of football? Wasn't that what happened at the foundation of the GAA when 'Gaelic' football was invented? After nearly a century-and-a-half, is it not obvious the game that was invented is unsatisfactory and possibly irredeemable? If it's not possible to come up with a satisfactory new game, maybe the GAA would be better off using the resources devoted to men's Gaelic football to the further promotion of the genuine Irish game of hurling. After all, didn't Kerry win a senior hurling All-Ireland before they won a football one? Joseph Mackey, Glasson, Co Westmeath An Post gets a dire O'Connell reception Madam — An Post released a stamp last week to celebrate the 250th anniversary of Daniel O'Connell's birth. It depicts the Liberator resplendent in a gilded chariot being applauded by crowds in Sackville Street with the GPO in the background. The building opposite has a television aerial on its chimney. Ireland must have been way ahead of itself to have had TV 200 years ago. Maybe later this year when the statue of O'Connell is unveiled in Leinster House, they could place a satellite dish on top to show how much the country has progressed since his day.
Irish Independent
2 hours ago
- Irish Independent
Naoise Dolan: Images of starving children in Gaza cannot be denied, try as some people might
As Israel's supporters look to single out isolated cases, trying to claim a 'gotcha' means a person has lost not only the moral ground but all ground 'There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel [in Gaza], everything is closed,' the then Israeli Minister for Defence Yoav Gallant said on October 9, 2023. 'We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly.' At the time, Israel's defenders dismissed this senior cabinet minister's statement as the rogue ramblings of a bad apple. It wasn't the government pursuing a campaign that would meet the legal definition of genocide, they said – just a cherrypicked quote from a random nutjob who just happened to oversee the Israel Defence Forces.
The Journal
6 hours ago
- The Journal
Israeli tactics leave dangerous security vacuum in Gaza which Hamas continues to exploit
Hana Salah Palestinian journalist ISRAEL'S CONTINUING ASSAULTS on Gaza cause daily devastations for the people of Palestine. The starvation of children has become the most visible and derided of those consequences. But last month's killing of 18 Palestinian humanitarian workers, allegedly by Hamas affiliates, also points to a less discussed impact: the dangers of escalating internal lawlessness due to Israel's systematic dismantling of the usual governance mechanisms in Gaza. The Independent Commission for Human Rights says Israeli strikes have systematically dismantled these mechanisms – by targeting police stations, courthouses and prisons. That has left a dangerous security vacuum. Hamas, and other gangs, continue to exploit the gap. On 11 June, at least 18 people working for the US-Israel backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) were killed when the bus they were travelling in was ambushed by gunmen. The incident received little media or public attention in June. What exactly happened on 11 June? According to family interviews and statements, the attackers stopped the bus and accused the workers of collaborating with Israel before unleashing a brutal assault that initially left 11 people dead. About another 17 were injured. Bereaved families now say that at least seven of those 17 were later killed later inside Nasser Hospital, where they had initially been taken for treatment, bringing the death toll to 18. No group has officially claimed responsibility but families of the victims say the attackers were members of the armed Sahem unit, which is affiliated with Hamas. The GHF claimed in a public statement that Hamas gunmen were behind the killings and called for an independent investigation. Hamas, which governs Gaza but has seen its authority fray during the war, has not commented publicly on the incident. However, survivors of the attack say they were targeted because the Sahem unit believed they were members of the Israel-backed Abu Shabab gang. Why were they targeting GHF workers? The GHF, which has controversially, ineffectively and dangerously become the sole provider of food aid in parts of Gaza after Israeli authorities restricted UN agency operations, has faced scrutiny from multiple sides. Some local groups accuse it of serving US interests and consider its operations as 'death traps' because of a lack of proper security protocols. The Palestinian workers were erroneously accused by the Hamas unit of being Abu Shabab gang members because of GHF's links to Israel. 'They were beaten, shot, humiliated' 'What happened was not a mistake. It was a crime,' says local journalist Alaa Al-Helou about the bus ambush. 'They were beaten, shot, humiliated — and then denied medical help in the hospital. And all because of a false accusation.' According to the families' statement, armed men stopped the GHF vehicle before beating the driver and passengers with sticks and rifle butts. They then shot some of them in the legs. Survivors say they were stripped of their belongings and dragged onto the street, where bystanders, incited by the attackers, joined in the assault. 'They forced us off the bus and made us lie on the ground. Then they began beating and shooting us, one by one,' said Younis Abu Shaloof, 18, and a survivor of the attack. 'When the armed men left, people thought we were part of Abu Shabab gang and collaborating with Israel and started hitting us too. The ambulance took us to hospital in Khan Younis.' Yousef was lucky as his family moved him from Nasser hospital in Kahn Younis to another field hospital in Deir Al-Balah, so he survived the second attack by the armed men in the hospital which killed at least seven others injured in the same incident. 'They hit me in the knee, and I passed out,'he recalls. 'When I came to, I saw another man next to me, bleeding from a gunshot wound to the head. 'I smeared some of his blood on my own head and rubbed sand over my face, hoping the gunmen would think I was already dead — so they wouldn't shoot me again and finish me off.' Contracting complications One source, who spoke to The Journal on condition of anonymity, said that the GHF had contracted a bus company for transportation and subcontracted Al-Khuzundar Company to supply the labourers. On 26 May 2025, the Al-Khozendar family — to which the head of the subcontractor company working with the GHF belongs — issued a public statement disowning Mohammad Mohsen Al-Khozendar for his alleged collaboration with a US firm involved in Israeli military projects. The statement, rooted in tribal and social norms in Gaza, condemned any logistical or engineering work that supports such initiatives as a betrayal of the Palestinian cause, and stressed that the company bearing the family name does not represent the family or its values. The transportation company, the source added, claimed it had been communicating with Hamas-affiliated internal security forces to coordinate the workers' movement in the designated humanitarian area. They also had an oral coordination with the Israeli army. Advertisement 'The Israeli army contacted the Palestinian coordinator (sub-contractor) through phone to allow or stop the movement but that doesn't guarantee the bus, or any coordinated movement is protected from strikes, shots, bombing,' the source added. Who knew about the bus movement at that hour? A member of another bereaved family said the bus had been waiting for coordination approval when the attack occurred. 'The bus was waiting for clearance, and the armed men struck nearly an hour after coordination calls began,' the source said. This could suggest that some security sources were already aware of its coordination request.' Youssef recalls the armed men asking them if they were with the Abu Shabab gang which is backed by the Israeli army. 'They asked us if we were working with Abu Shabab, but we denied,' Youssef said. 'I'm too afraid to leave my home now,' said the survivor Youssef. 'I will never work for the American organisation again. Better to die by an Israeli airstrike than be killed as a 'traitor' by our own people.' In the fragmented landscape of Gaza's ongoing war, the Abu Shabab militia has emerged as a controversial player, reportedly collaborating with Israeli forces while launching attacks on Hamas-linked units such as the Sahem Unit. The group is believed to be operating out of Rafah's eastern border and was formed during the current conflict. Its leader, Yasser Abu Shabab, 34, is now at the centre of fierce accusations from the Joint Operations Room of Palestinian Resistance Factions, which has charged him with treason and leading an illegal armed group. A Revolutionary Court has issued a 10-day deadline for his surrender, warning he will otherwise be tried in absentia. Security body seize bus Formally, no group has claimed responsibility. Hamas has not commented. The day after the incident, Abu Shabab denied the images of the killings showed members of its militia, according to EuroNews . But a month on from the attack, the Hamas Interior Ministry issued a statement banning all forms of collaboration or work with the GHF. The bus involved in the attack was seized by a security body in Gaza, according to sources. Witnesses said no one was allowed to approach the vehicle, and individuals who attempted to do so were reportedly beaten. There have been other killings of suspected Israel collaborators during the lawless chaos of the conflict. However, other innocent civilians have also been mistakenly targeted. On 26 September 2024, Islam Hejazi, Gaza Programme Director at the US-based charity Shifa' Palestine, was shot dead by armed men in Khan Younis, southern Gaza. Gunmen in three vehicles opened fire on the car she was travelling in, firing around 90 bullets. Her family said government officials later told them it was a case of mistaken identity — her vehicle had been wrongly suspected of resembling one linked to a wanted man accused of collaboration. Hejazi, a mother of two, was described by Shifa' Palestine as a dedicated humanitarian 'of the highest integrity and professionalism'. The charity said it remained committed to serving Gaza in her memory. Dismantling of public order In a strongly worded statement, the Independent Commission for Human Rights condemned the Khan Younis attack as an extrajudicial killing and a serious breach of international law. It warned of a disturbing rise in armed groups acting outside any official framework, and called for an urgent, independent investigation to restore public trust and uphold the rule of law. A lawyer associated with a human rights organisation in Gaza talked to The Journal on condition of anonymity due to potential risk to his safety, and said his organisation and others are working to document cases of extrajudicial killings and vigilante violence, but stressed the extreme difficulty of collecting accurate data during an ongoing war. 'It is nearly impossible to provide precise numbers at this stage,' he told The Journal. 'The war has made documentation extremely difficult — especially during the period when Gaza was effectively divided between the north and south.' He added that many killings have not been officially investigated by the Public Prosecution or the Ministry of Health, leaving their motives unclear. 'It is often unknown whether these were revenge attacks, personal disputes, or related to allegations of collaboration with the occupation,' he said. 'There are certainly killings, but in many cases, the reasons remain undetermined — particularly under the current conditions of war.' Looting During the 11 June, the Hamas unit targeted workers which the group erroneously identified as Israel collaborators. Meanwhile, the United Nations last week said that 766 aid-seeking Palestinians have been killed in the vicinity of GHF sites – mostly by the IDF. UN human rights office spokesman Thameen Al-Kheetan told the AFP news agency that these almost 800 victims were killed by Israeli military actions. That death toll has since increased. The collapse of civil order in Gaza has also been highlighted by the UN Protection Cluster, which warned that humanitarian efforts are being severely disrupted. In a recent update, the group said aid delivery is hindered not only by Israeli restrictions and access barriers, but also by growing lawlessness within Gaza, fuelled in part by Israeli strikes on civilian police infrastructure. It noted that the breakdown in law enforcement has led to increased looting and attacks on humanitarian convoys. The closure of the Rafah crossing since May 2024 — aside from limited evacuations of medical cases — has further compounded the crisis. Israeli military operations and an ongoing siege, particularly in northern Gaza since October, have deepened insecurity and worsened conditions for civilians and aid workers alike. Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... 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