Uddhav And Raj Thackeray Join Hands For Marathi Pride: Joint Rally Over Language Issue On July 6
The plan initially involved Raj Thackeray leading a rally on July 6 and Uddhav Thackeray organising a separate march on July 7. But after talks, a single joint rally will be held.
In a surprising political turn, Maharashtra's fiery Thackeray brothers — Raj Thackeray and Uddhav Thackeray — are set to share a platform after years of sharp differences. The two leaders will lead a joint protest rally on July 6 to oppose what they call the forced imposition of Hindi in the state's schools and to demand stronger safeguards for the Marathi language. This rare show of unity was confirmed when Sanjay Raut, senior leader from the Uddhav Thackeray camp, took to social media to make a pointed announcement — first in Marathi, then in English. In his post, Raut tagged Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, signaling that the message was meant for Delhi as much as for Mumbai. Declaring that Maharashtra would witness a united fight against Hindi dominance, he underlined that the Thackeray name itself is a brand synonymous with Marathi pride.
The developments gained further weight as leaders from Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) spoke publicly about the need for every Marathi-speaking citizen to stand together. According to MNS leaders, the time has come to resist any attempt to sideline Marathi in schools through policies that allegedly push Hindi more aggressively than ever before.
What makes this moment remarkable is that it brings together two cousins who have often been on opposing sides of Maharashtra's fractious political landscape. The plan initially involved Raj Thackeray leading a rally on July 6 and Uddhav Thackeray organising a separate march on July 7. But following backchannel discussions, a single massive rally will now be held on July 6 to demonstrate a united front.
Meanwhile, the ruling MVA has dismissed these moves as theatrics timed with the upcoming elections. Senior BJP leaders have claimed there is no official compulsion to enforce Hindi in state-run schools and that the opposition is misleading Marathi-speaking voters for political mileage. They insist that the current government remains fully committed to protecting the primacy of Marathi in Maharashtra's cultural and educational fabric. Critics from the ruling side have also attacked Uddhav Thackeray, questioning why his concern for Marathi was missing when he was Chief Minister. They accused him of using the language issue to recover lost ground ahead of polls and claim that this sudden embrace of Raj Thackeray is a last-ditch effort to stay politically relevant.
Despite the political crossfire, the prospect of the Thackeray brothers sharing a stage has ignited speculation in Maharashtra's political circles. Their supporters believe that when it comes to defending Marathi identity, old rivalries can be set aside. For many citizens, this rally could be more than just a protest — it may mark the beginning of a new, if uneasy, understanding between two influential factions that once defined Mumbai's streets and Maharashtra's regional politics.
Whether this new alignment lasts beyond the July 6 rally remains to be seen, but for now, the Thackeray brothers' reunion has certainly captured the state's attention — and Delhi's too.
First Published:
June 27, 2025, 12:04 IST
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Digital land survey fourth phase to begin in August: Minister
The final notification in 60% of the 312 villages where digital land survey has been completed will be published by August, Minister for Revenue K. Rajan has said. At a press conference on the sidelines of the Bhoomi national conclave on smart land governance at Kovalam on Friday, the Minister said the final notification had been delayed owing to certain amendments to rules. The final notification had been issued for two villages in the State – Ujarulvar in Kasaragod and Mankad in Kollam. The survey in three phases covered 639 villages. The fourth-phase survey covering 200 villages would begin in August, the Minister said. Provision to be made A provision would be made in the proposed Settlement Act for giving ownership of surplus land in possession of individuals that did not belong to the government and had no claimants to the individual. The Minister pointed out that complaints related to the digital survey were fewer in number. Complaints could be submitted on the Ente Bhoomi portal at three junctures – at the start of the survey, when the 9(1) notification was issued, and the final notification was published. Complaints could be submitted to the District Collector concerned later. ₹7 crore sanctioned The Minister said the Union government had sanctioned ₹7 crore for setting up continuously operating reference stations for the digital survey. Funds had also been sought under the NAKSHA scheme for survey in urban areas. Survey would be conducted in Attappady village to return the illegally possessed land belonging to the Scheduled Tribes back to them, the Minister said.
Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
The case for English in India
Language is politics by other means in India. Which is why Union home minister Amit Shah's clarification that the Centre is not opposed to any foreign language is significant. In the same vein, he added that 'there should be an urge to glorify one's own language'. A few days earlier, Shah had lit a small political fire with his remarks that 'those who speak English will soon be ashamed'. This remark was interpreted by Opposition leaders as a backdoor attempt to impose Hindi on non-Hindi speakers. The BJP has always been in favour of making Hindi the official language of the country and eliminating the use of English, a potentially explosive issue in the non-Hindi-speaking states of southern India. Now, Maharashtra, again a state that has a history of strong linguistic identity, has become restive over the BJP-led government's move to introduce Hindi as a language from primary classes. India's founding fathers saw the opportunity in English proficiency and encouraged its use, without discriminating against local languages. (HT Photo) The case for English in India is simple. First, it is the language of opportunity and economic mobility. Second, it is also the language of aspiration, a secular means to become urban and modern, and possibly, transcend the chains of caste and class. And, third, it is the word of the world, and the passport to the world of ideas. In the case of India, it has been a convenient link language immune to the legacies of local dominance. This is the reason the founding fathers of the republic, who fought the British, found no reason to outlaw the language in independent India. In fact, they saw the opportunity in English proficiency and encouraged its use, without discriminating against local languages. In the process, English has been well assimilated within Indian society to the extent that it may have lost its foreignness. It is no longer perceived as the language of economic and cultural imperialism, but as a vehicle that has enabled India's rise as a knowledge power. That's why China is encouraging English learning. Does this mean a rejection of Indian languages? Certainly not. Much of India is bilingual, if not trilingual, and is likely to remain so. As per Census 2011, only 259,000 people reported English as their mother tongue or first language, but 83 million said it was their second language. In comparison, over 520 million called Hindi their first language as compared to 55 million for Gujarati. These numbers hardly suggest a threat from English to Hindi or any Indian language. As for Indian languages, state governments could promote local languages. In fact, the Centre should call off its push to promote Hindi nationally and disperse the funds to states to promote local languages. This is important as local languages are repositories of cultural inheritance. However, the choice of learning a language should be left to citizens. It should also be kept in mind that the growth of English in India has happened without too much State patronage: People embrace it because of its economic utility. Languages that cease to be of transactional value face the threat of losing their prominence even in their motherland; no amount of polemics or policy imposition can rescue them. For instance, a report in this newspaper last week showed that the government spent ₹ 2,532.59 crore on the promotion of Sanskrit between 2014-15 and 2024-25 — 17 times the combined spending of ₹ 147.56 crore on the other five classical Indian languages, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam and Odia. But there's little to show for this. A nuanced policy that does not privilege or discriminate against, any language is the sensible option for India.
The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Rights of Indian fishermen given away during Emergency, says Jaishankar alluding to 1976 Katchatheevu pact
Effects of the Emergency (June 25, 1975 — March 21, 1977) can still be felt in Tamil Nadu and in India-Sri Lanka relations as the Government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi did not protect the interests of Indian fishermen to fish in the Palk Strait while concluding a pact with Sri Lanka during that period, said External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on Friday (June 27, 2025), apparently alluding to the Katchatheevu pact of 1976. Speaking about the Emergency at an event here, Mr. Jaishankar recollected his personal experience from that era and said the Emergency proved that democracy and freedom were in the 'blood' of the Indian people. 'During the Emergency, big decisions used to be taken without discussion. These days, you know when our fishermen venture near Sri Lanka, there they are arrested. You know the reason? The reason is that during the Emergency, an agreement was signed with Sri Lanka in which the rights of our fishermen that they had earlier to fish in the waters near Sri Lanka, was something that we gave up. If the Emergency was not there and if we had a genuine Parliament at that time, I don't think such an agreement would have been approved by the Parliament,' said the External Affairs Minister, speaking in Hindi. Indian fishermen frequently face arrests by the Sri Lankan Navy for trespassing into Sri Lankan waters — they are often arrested near the northern coast of the island, well past Katchatheevu — and fishing using the bottom trawling method, that is banned in Sri Lanka. 'The consequence of that period can be felt even today in Tamil Nadu,' said Mr. Jaishankar. The issue was earlier raised by Prime Minister Narendra Modi who on March 31 had blamed the Congress for 'callously' giving away the Katchatheevu island to Sri Lanka. The External Affairs Minister said the Emergency caused setback to India's global image and senior diplomats at that time used to face difficulties in justifying the Emergency rule in India that had done away with democratic governance. 'Several lessons' 'In 1977 I joined Indian Foreign Service after clearing UPSC examination. We used to hear from senior diplomats of that time, how difficult it was to defend the Emergency in the world and how India was criticised because of the Emergency rule,' said Mr. Jaishankar, recollecting that the world perceived India as the largest and oldest democracy and it was difficult for Indian diplomats to defend the authoritarian rule of Emergency era before the world. He said the Emergency had several enduring lessons of that period asserting that: 'Never take freedom for granted. Democracy is in our blood and DNA.' The External Affairs Minister recollected how the Jawaharlal Nehru University's Students Union faced police crackdown for opposing the Emergency. 'The 30th Amendment stated that people cannot approach courts against the declaration of the Emergency. The 39th Amendment stated that people cannot go to court against the election of the Prime Minister and the 42nd Amendment stated that the Fundamental Rights of people would be diluted and the power of judiciary in the country would be reduced,' said Mr. Jaishankar, recollecting that during the Emergency, five Constitutional Amendments and 48 Ordinances were passed.
