Shashi Tharoor's Kerala Dream Fades as Congress Looks Elsewhere
That hope now seems misplaced.
In its four-decade history, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) has never been out of power for two consecutive terms. The CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) broke that pattern in 2021, when Pinarayi Vijayan secured a rare second consecutive term. With nine years in office, the LDF appeared confident of securing a third.
But the Congress's by-election victory in Nilambur last month has changed the political mood. Wresting the seat from the CPM just eight months before the next assembly polls has infused the Congress with fresh energy and elevated V.D. Satheesan, the Leader of the Opposition, as the man who could lead the party to power.
A praise-driven disconnect
By contrast, Tharoor's stock within the party has fallen. His praise for Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the aftermath of 'Operation Sindoor' and his enthusiastic participation in an MPs' delegation sent abroad has alienated him from both the central and state leadership – and from grassroots workers in Kerala. His explanation that 'nation comes before party' has only deepened that disconnect.
Once seen as a possible CM candidate – either through his own ambition or the encouragement of supporters – Tharoor now finds himself sidelined. Indeed, his recent actions have made it clear he is out of the reckoning.
None of this comes as a surprise to the party's Kerala unit. They are familiar with Tharoor's lone-wolf approach. Back in 2022, he undertook a solo tour across the state – meeting writers, religious leaders and cultural figures – without consulting state party leaders. His outreach gave the impression he would skip the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and instead build a base ahead of 2026. But he abandoned that effort and chose to contest from Thiruvananthapuram for the fourth time.
Tharoor has long projected himself as larger than the Congress in Kerala. But despite his wins, many within the party see him as a Delhi imposition – lacking roots in the state. His entry into politics was circumstantial: in 2009, after his unsuccessful bid to head the UN, the Congress offered him a safe seat. Had he lost that first election, his political career might have ended there.
Another leadership style
In fact, Tharoor's trajectory mirrors that of only one other politician in Kerala's history, K.P. Unnikrishnan – another outsider who won from Vadakara in 1971. But unlike Tharoor, Unnikrishnan had local roots. Tharoor remained an outsider both within the party and in Kerala society. Though he won four times, he never built a genuine political base.
Tharoor's victory over the BJP's Rajeev Chandrasekhar in 2024 was narrow. But he appeared to believe it was a personal triumph. Many in Congress disagree, insisting he wouldn't have won without the party's backing – and wouldn't again. Some don't rule out the possibility of Tharoor contesting from Thiruvananthapuram in future with CPM support, a scenario unthinkable just a few years ago.
The Nilambur by-election, by contrast, showcased a very different leadership style. Satheesan, credited with crafting the UDF's strategy, kept out P.V. Anvar – a known disrupter and former aide of Vijayan. Even the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the UDF's second-largest partner, accepted the decision reluctantly. Tharoor did not campaign in Nilambur, later claiming he wasn't invited. One Congress MP quipped: 'It wasn't a wedding that Tharoor needed a formal invite.'
Also read: Five Reasons Why Shashi Tharoor's Praise of Narendra Modi Could Not Have Been Worse Timed
'Team UDF' was how Satheesan described the win. Tharoor is rarely seen as a team player—more often, a loner. In Parliament, he seldom joins protests or mingles with Kerala MPs. 'He's ornamental—good for visibility, not one who rubs shoulders with the common man,' says poet and activist Kalpatta Narayanan. 'Has he ever praised Rahul Gandhi? But he found time to praise Modi.'
'Tharoor can no longer be trusted,' says MN Karassery, academic and Gandhian, who once admired him. 'Even the title of his book, Why I Am a Hindu, is provocative. It's a pointer to where he's headed.' Karassery, like many others, sees Tharoor's ideological moorings as shallow.
Satheesan is now the natural CM candidate if the UDF returns to power. Unlike Tharoor, he has risen through the ranks. So too has Ramesh Chennithala, another likely contender. Tharoor, in contrast, remains an alien presence – a bit like VK Krishna Menon, who also represented Thiruvananthapuram but never quite belonged. 'He's one of us, but you know…' is the typical refrain in Kerala.
Marooned
Tharoor's recent praise for Modi has also cost him Muslim support. His criticism of Hamas did not sit well with the IUML or the community more broadly. Once welcomed by the Nair Service Society – the organisation which 'represents' his caste – his ties there too have cooled. In Kerala, he is politically marooned.
There may have been a time when the Congress saw value in projecting Tharoor as its CM face. That moment has passed. As political analyst Rammohan KT notes, 'Tharoor's credibility has taken a beating. He's seen as a self-seeker. The Congress no longer needs him. In fact, it's doubtful whether he can win another election on his own.'
For now, Tharoor's political future seems increasingly tied to New Delhi, not Kerala.
Santosh Kumar is a Kerala-based journalist.
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