Indian Media Outlet Firstpost: 'China And Pakistan Have Emerged As [Chief Advisor Of Bangladesh Muhammad] Yunus's Most Ardent Supporters'

Memri

05-06-2025

On August 5, 2024, the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh, which had strengthened its ties with India, was ousted, following anti-government protests.[1] Since then, Dhaka has been rushing to get closer to its estranged parent, Pakistan, from which it separated in a bitter and bloody Liberation War in 1971.
Bangladeshi Islamist in August 2024. (Source: x.com/Natsecjeff)
Under Rule Of Muhammad Yunus In Bangladesh, Pakistan Is Strengthening Its Ties With The Country
Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate and founder of Grameen Bank, "once hailed as the savior of Bangladesh's poor," is now the chief adviser to Bangladesh's interim government. Yet, as mentioned by the Indian media outlet Firstpost, Yunus has shown no intention of relinquishing control of power. Meanwhile, China and Pakistan have emerged as his "most ardent supporters."
Under Yunus' rule, Pakistan is dangerously strengthening its ties with Bangladesh. Firstpost noted: "If Pakistan's terror policy, 'to bleed India by a thousand cuts,' gets operational from the soil of Bangladesh, it might create a new dilemma for New Delhi. Terrorism observers say Pakistan has used a similar approach in the past, when outfits such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) carried out terror blasts in India."
It is worth noting that, during the 1980s, Pakistan played a significant role in recruiting and training fighters, including Bangladeshis, against Russia-controlled Afghanistan in the 1980s. These trained resources returned home and set up terror outfits in Bangladesh in the early 1990s. After that, in just two decades, the number of terror outfits in Bangladesh grew to 133.[2]
The price was paid by Bangladesh, which witnessed nearly 60 Islamic fundamentalist attacks between 1999 and 2016. This includes the heinous July 2016 Dhaka attack, in which five terrorists took hostages and opened fire on the Holey Artisan Bakery, in which more than 20 people were killed, mostly foreigners.
(Source: Asian News International, ANI)
Jihadis Thrived Under BNP-Jamaat Rule
Yet, jihadi activities in Bangladesh thrived during the 2001- 2006 period, when Jamaat-e-lslami (JEI),[3] established in Pakistan, became part of the ruling government coalition along with the nationalist pro-Islamist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). This Nationalist-Islamist government was led by Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. It is worth noting that JeI collaborated with the Pakistan Army to unleash violence on Bangladeshi civilians during the 1971 Liberation War. JeI militants were accused of killing and raping thousands of Bangladeshis and played a lead role in wiping out an entire generation of secular intellectuals.
Bangladesh witnessed 25 jihadi attacks during the BNP-Jamaat rule. This includes the 2004 blast injuring the British High Commissioner, the grenade attack on opposition leader and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and the synchronized blasts in 63 of 64 districts on October 3, 2005. The biggest expose of the era was the 10-truck arms haul case of 2004, which involved a huge cache of arms imported through Chittagong Port headed for India's Northeast. The interception exposed involvement of a part of the administration in terror.
BNP-Jamaat's Connection With the Terrorist Organization Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B)
The most dangerous part of the Khaleda Zia-led BNP-Jamaat rule was Bangladesh's involvement in cross-border terrorism. The 2002 U.S. Consulate attack in Kolkata was attributed to Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-lslami Bangladesh (HUJI-B). India immediately nabbed the attackers. At the time of apprehension, the prime culprit Aftab Ansari was in possession of Pakistani travel documents. A 2011 publication by the Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies, a part of the U.S. Department of Defense, blamed the same organization for a series of bomb blasts in India's northeastern state of Assam in mid-1999.
Yes, there is substantial documentation indicating connections between the BNP, JeI, and HuJI-B:
-Ataur Rahman Khan, a BNP politician and former Member of Parliament, was a founding member of HuJI-B. In 1988, he visited Afghanistan and met with Osama bin Laden, highlighting early ties between BNP figures and HuJI-B.
-Mufti Abdul Hannan, the HuJI-B chief, confessed that Tarique Rahman, then Senior Joint Secretary General of BNP, assured him and his associates of support. This indicates direct communication and possible collaboration between BNP leadership and HuJI-B operatives.
-In the 2004 grenade attack targeting an Awami League rally, Mufti Abdul Hannan revealed that he received assistance from Lutfozzaman Babar, the then State Minister for Home Affairs under the BNP government. Babar, along with Abdus Salam Pintu, a BNP leader and former Deputy Minister, provided administrative support to HuJI-B for executing the attack.
-Maulana Tajuddin, the supplier of the grenades used in the attack, is the brother of Abdus Salam Pintu, further indicating familial and political ties between BNP figures and HuJI-B operatives.
-2001 Narayanganj Bombing: HuJI-B was implicated in this attack, which targeted an Awami League meeting. Investigations suggested that the attack was motivated by opposition to the banning of senior JeI leaders, indicating ideological alignment between HuJI-B and JeI.
-2005 Bangladesh Bombings: HuJI-B, along with Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), orchestrated synchronized bombings across the country. These attacks occurred during the BNP-led government, raising concerns about the government's commitment to countering Islamist militancy.
BNP and Jamaat Are The Immediate Beneficiaries of Sheikh Hasina's Ousting
When Sheikh Hasina government assumed power in January 2009, Jamaat and its sponsors in Pakistan unleashed Islamist forces against it. When Sheikh Hasina was ousted, after massive student protests, Pakistan's Islamist Urdu-language daily Roznama Ummat featured on August 7, 2024, a headline on its front page: "Hundreds of opposition leaders freed, offices of Jamaat-e-Islami opened."
Sensing the immediate rise of Islamist forces, the August 8 issue of Roznama Ummat also blamed, in an editorial, "a Satanic project aided by the Zionist and Western powers" for propping up Sheikh Hasina and wrote: "All praise be to Allah, the Two Nation Theory is proving its truth even today, and Allah willing, will remain alive till the Day of Judgment." The Two Nation Theory is the idea that Muslims and non-Muslims cannot live together under a mixed political system, a religious principle that gave birth to Pakistan as an Islamic state in 1947 and failed when the state broke up in 1971, creating Bangladesh on a linguistic basis.
In Bangladesh, the pro-Islamist BNP and the Bangladesh JeI are two major immediate beneficiaries of the student protests led by the Students Against Discrimination (SAD), which engineered the fall of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. With Sheikh Hasina removed from the political scene, the secular forces in Bangladesh represented by her Awami League party will take a backseat.
JeI Bangladesh Makes Full Political Comeback
To please the Islamists, the Yunus administration released 300 deadly terrorists from jail. Dhaka is now full of posters and flags of Al-Qaeda and ISIS. The banned Hizb-ut Tahrir resurfaced. They held media conferences at the Press Club and organized demonstrations in the capital city. Bangladesh is now racing to share Pakistan's status as a terror factory. The economy is also failing.
The floodgates have opened for pro-Islamist forces represented by the BNP of Khaleda Zia and her ideological ally Bangladesh JeI. It is worth noting that community leaders noted that the oath taken by Muhammad Yunus and his council of advisors included Quranic verses but did not refer to the religious texts of Hindus and other minorities. "The exclusion of readings from other religious texts contradicts our constitution, the spirit of the Liberation War, and anti-discrimination values. We hope that in the future state functions, readings from all major religious texts will be included," remarked Kajal Devnath, one of the Hindu community leaders.
Meanwhile, Bangladesh's Supreme Court has reinstated the political registration of JeI Bangladesh and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, which were banned for their links to jihadism in 2013. As reported by the media: "The verdict, which follows an earlier decision by the Muhammad Yunus-led caretaker government to lift the ban, marks Jamaat's return to the political mainstream after over a decade in the shadows. With this legal clearance, the Islamist party is now eligible to contest national elections."
Below are excerpts of Firstpost's article:[4]
China And Pakistan "Bolster Islamist Political Elements in Bangladesh"
"Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate and founder of Grameen Bank, once hailed as the savior of Bangladesh's poor, is now at the center of an international geopolitical game. Appointed as the chief adviser to Bangladesh's interim government following Sheikh Hasina's dramatic exit in August 2024, Yunus has since transformed from a globally celebrated development icon into a power-hungry technocrat.
"As the chief adviser, Yunus is practically the head of the Bangladesh government with powers comparable to the prime minister, though theoretically curtailed. Constitutionally, Yunus's primary responsibility is to hold parliamentary election in Bangladesh, paving way for the return of an elected government. But Yunus has shown no intention of relinquishing control of power.
"His statements indicate that Yunus is not inclined to hold parliamentary election in Bangladesh anytime soon. He has dropped hints that it could be held in 2026. He is using this time to undertake key bilateral visits to Pakistan and China, two countries profusely interested in geopolitical gains in Bangladesh, a country that sits on the top of key Bay of Bengal basin.
"Incidentally, China and Pakistan have emerged as Yunus 's most ardent supporters. Neither of these countries are known for their democratic credentials. Their reasons are both strategic and ideological. Both nations see Yunus's prolonged hold on power and the indefinite delay of elections as beneficial to their respective regional ambitions – particularly to counter India's influence, propagate authoritarian governance and bolster Islamist political elements in Bangladesh."
"Yunus... Is Someone Who Can Offer Practically No Resistance To... China's Belt and Road Initiative"
"For China, Bangladesh is a crucial link in its South Asian strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has already seen significant investments in Bangladeshi infrastructure, including ports, railways and power plants. A democratic government might reassess or renegotiate these projects, especially if nationalist sentiment rises. Yunus, leading a technocratic interim government with no direct electoral accountability, provides Beijing the perfect insurance policy.
"For the communist regime of Beijing, Yunus – untethered from electoral mandates – is someone who can offer practically no 'resistance to long-term strategic projects like China's Belt and Road Initiative.' With Yunus delaying elections under the pretext of electoral reforms, China can rest easy knowing that its investments are secure, at least for the foreseeable future.
"Moreover, China has consistently opposed the spread of democratic activism along its borders. To suit the Chinese design, Yunus recently floated a tentative election timeline extending into 2026 citing the need for 'national consensus' and 'electoral reform.' Both these processes can be an endless wait for a country trained in democracy. For Beijing, such rhetoric mimics its own authoritarian governance model, which cloaks centralized control in technocratic or reformist language."
"If Pakistan's Terror Policy, To Bleed India By A Thousand Cuts, Gets Operational From The Soil of Bangladesh, It Might Create A New Dilemma For New Delhi"
"Pakistan's interest in Yunus staying in power is less about infrastructure and more about ideology, regional power play and strategic depth in raising fundamentalist elements that can be used against India. Under Hasina, Bangladesh had strengthened its ties with India, particularly in counterterrorism and economic cooperation. Hasina's administration aggressively cracked down on Islamist extremists and kept Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in check.
"With Hasina gone, Islamabad sees a rare opportunity. Experts point out Pakistan's ISI has worked in tandem with various Islamist factions and even aligned itself with elements of the US 'deep state' to facilitate Hasina's ouster. Now, with Yunus at the helm, Pakistan is eager to tilt Dhaka's policies more toward Islamabad and away from New Delhi.
"This effort includes encouraging Bangladesh to adopt a more favorable stance on issues like Jammu and Kashmir and playing down India's role in the 1971 Liberation War. Notably, on the 54th Vijay Diwas (16 December), Yunus made no mention of India's role or Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's leadership, choosing instead to slam Hasina's government as the 'world's worst autocratic regime.' This calculated omission speaks volumes and aligns with Pakistan's revisionist narrative.
"There is another reason for Pakistan to keep a pliable 'not India-friendly' person as the Bangladesh leader. India has called Pakistan's bluff with Operation Sindoor after the Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir on April 22. India has concretized its counter-terror policy by announcing that any act of terror by Pakistan or outfits it has sheltered and patronized for years as an act of war and will be responded accordingly without making a distinction between the state and non-state actors hitherto maintained in New Delhi's response.
"If Pakistan's terror policy, 'to bleed India by a thousand cuts,' gets operational from the soil of Bangladesh, it might create a new dilemma for New Delhi. Terrorism observers say Pakistan has used a similar approach in the past, when outfits such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) carried out terror blasts in India."
"Yunus's Administration Has Shown Leniency Toward Extremists"
"There is a reason for concern in the security establishment of India and other parts of the world. Bangladesh observers say that the most troubling development under the Yunus-led interim government has been the resurgence of Islamist groups – particularly Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) – in Bangladeshi politics. JeI had been marginalized and proscribed under the Hasina government, but the interim government lifted the ban, and has shown great tolerance (if not outright support) for their return to political contests. This signals a dangerous ideological shift.
"Yunus has shown the political resolve to tackle these radical elements as they make a comeback in the post-Hasina vacuum. Banned terrorist groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir have begun operating openly again and extremist clerics like Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani, affiliated with Ansarullah Bangla Team (an Al Qaeda-inspired outfit), have been released. This suggests that the interim government is either unwilling or unable to contain radical forces.
"Firstpost earlier reported how Yunus's administration has shown leniency toward extremists while simultaneously cracking down on minority voices. These moves reflect a judiciary increasingly biased toward Islamist narratives and against secular, democratic dissent."
Islamist Group JeI Wants To Dismantle "Bangladesh's Parliamentary Democracy In Favor of An Islamic Theocracy"
"JeI's influence is not limited to street-level radicalism. It has infiltrated state mechanisms under the Yunus administration. The Firstpost report showed how Jamaat's student wing, Islamic Chhatra Shibir (ICS), played a key role in the student agitation that led to Hasina's removal. They were also reportedly involved in attacks on minority people after Hasina fled to New Delhi for her life. These groups are not just foot soldiers; they are ideologically motivated operatives linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and similar Islamist movements in Turkey, Egypt and the Gulf states.
"The growing political clout of JeI is viewed by many as a steppingstone toward dismantling Bangladesh's parliamentary democracy in favor of an Islamic theocracy. Political observers warn that the constitutional reforms proposed under Yunus may serve precisely this goal. The Yunus-led government has formed committees to rewrite Bangladesh's legal and governance frameworks – without any electoral mandate. Critics see this as a calculated move to institutionalize religious conservatism.
"This ideological pivot serves both Pakistan and segments of the Islamist world who see Bangladesh as fertile ground for reviving political Islam. Yunus, despite his global persona as a peace-promoting economist, is increasingly being seen as a puppet of JeI and its foreign backers."
"Yunus Seems Intent On Postponing The Electoral Process"
"... Senior Bangladesh National Party (BNP) leader Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed concerns... that a deliberate and coordinated effort appears to be unfolding to indefinitely postpone the national elections and deny citizens their fundamental democratic rights.
"He reflected on the sacrifices made by countless students and civilians in the struggle for democracy, stating that despite those efforts creating a window for positive change, the political atmosphere remains ominous and uncertain.
"Within the BNP, growing skepticism surrounds Yunus's intentions regarding the restoration of electoral democracy. Once optimistic about reclaiming power following the fall of the Awami League, the party now feels increasingly marginalized in the evolving political scenario.
"Meanwhile, a growing rift is emerging within Bangladesh's interim leadership, with tensions reportedly surfacing between Yunus and Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman.
"... General Zaman is said to be advocating for swift national elections to restore democratic governance. In contrast, Yunus seems intent on postponing the electoral process, allegedly aligning himself with factions opposed to Zaman – many of whom are seen as having close ties to foreign governments."
"Beijing and Islamabad May Not Have Identical Reasons For Wanting Yunus In Power, But They Converge On One Point: The Need To Suppress Democratic Momentum In A Region Increasingly Influenced By India's Democratic Model"
"Authoritarian regimes have a vested interest in supporting or tolerating similar regimes in neighboring countries. Beijing and Islamabad both perceive democratic activism and electoral accountability as existential threats. Yunus's continued delay of elections under the guise of reform and national consensus echoes methods used by authoritarian leaders elsewhere to consolidate power.
"Authoritarian governments prefer technocratic regimes that can sideline messy democratic processes. A caretaker government that indefinitely postpones elections is more predictable, easier to negotiate with and less subject to public pressure. Yunus's narrative of needing time for reforms, national consensus and electoral restructuring is a tried-and-true formula for indefinite power retention.
"Beijing and Islamabad may not have identical reasons for wanting Yunus in power, but they converge on one point: the need to suppress democratic momentum in a region increasingly influenced by India's democratic model.
"A Radicalized, Authoritarian Bangladesh Could Serve, In Theory, As A Base For Anti-India Activities and Even Act As A Corridor For Chinese Influence Reaching Into the Bay of Bengal"
"India, Bangladesh's largest neighbor, has also been it longtime ally. But with an elected government toppled, and India-friendly voices sidelined by the Yunus-led government, New Delhi is waiting for a government with popular mandate in Dhaka to redefine bilateral ties. The power vacuum created by Hasina's exit has been quickly filled by forces antithetical to India's regional vision and they seem to be looking at causing a permanent trust deficit with Bangladesh's strongest ally.
"By minimizing India's involvement in the events of 1971, the current leadership is signaling a departure from longstanding historical accounts. This move is part of a calculated push to redefine national identity and steer the country in a new political direction.
"The exit of Hasina also saw a concerted effort by external powers, reportedly coordinated through Pakistan's ISI, to undermine India's influence in Bangladesh. India, on its part, has called for early elections and refrained from according a permanent legitimacy to a temporary power arrangement in Yunus's office.
"This reorientation is not just symbolic. If Bangladesh aligns more closely with Pakistan and China, it may alter the strategic balance in South Asia. A radicalized, authoritarian Bangladesh could serve, in theory, as a base for anti-India activities and even act as a corridor for Chinese influence reaching into the Bay of Bengal. There are, of course, practical and geographical challenges, which Yunus has alluded to in his remarks on India's Northeastern states, drawing sharp flak from New Delhi.
"Yunus's interim leadership in Bangladesh, at the same time, looks to mark more than just a temporary change in power. Behind the scenes, it reflects a strategic intervention by China and Pakistan to reshape the balance of power in South Asia. Their support for Yunus is not incidental – it serves a broader goal of undermining India's regional standing.
"By elevating a technocrat with connections to Islamist factions, they may quietly be embedding ideological allies in Dhaka's power structure. The continued delay in holding parliamentary election, framed as a reform effort, is effectively a tool to entrench this new order.
"Yunus, once hailed globally for his work in microfinance, has now become a convenient figurehead for external interests. As he looks to tighten his grip with minimal internal resistance and declining global scrutiny, democratic space in Bangladesh continues to shrink.
"For India, and for proponents of democratic norms, the implications could be significant. Some say India should be more aggressive in countering this shift instead of waiting for an elected government to come back in Dhaka. Recent punitive economic and commercial measures announced by India do signal a shift in approach."