
We're at the beginning of a harsh new era for college students
is the vice president for Education Policy and knowledge management at New America and directs the Education Policy program.
Five years ago, as death, panic, and viruses were spreading across the globe, the Trump administration announced it was halting collections of college debt. At the time, almost everyone agreed this was a good idea. 'It is going to make a lot of students happy,' President Donald Trump remarked.
This week, an entire Biden administration later, Trump's Department of Education began throwing the full force of the federal government against people who had defaulted on their student loans. Employers will be contacted, wages garnished, and debt collectors deployed.
The move came a week after House Republicans released plans for a massive overhaul of student financial aid policy. Their bill would reduce the number of students eligible for need-based federal financial aid, make it harder for students to pay for tuition, books and living expenses, increase monthly loan payments for millions of borrowers, and make some people wait as much as 20 years longer to have their debts forgiven. Student happiness will no longer be a consideration.
Sometimes, members of Congress propose radical changes they know have little chance of becoming law. This isn't one of those times. The Republican plan is part of the 'big, beautiful' budget reconciliation bill, some version of which is likely to pass Congress before the year is out.
The much-debated dream of broad-scale debt relief and friendly student loans is fading. This is the beginning of a harsh new era for the roughly 43 million people who hold almost $1.7 trillion in federal student loans. For people who are struggling to make ends meet and are most vulnerable to Trump's government service cuts and the economic devastation of his reckless trade policies, the timing couldn't be worse.
Related Restarting student loan payments could be a chaotic disaster
The winding, lawsuit-filled history of student debt relief
Trump's initial move to suspend loan payments in 2020 was ratified by Congress a few weeks later in the CARES Act, which passed the House with a 419-6 vote. That was the last time Democrats and Republicans agreed on the issue.
Loans were hotly debated during the Democratic primary that year. After Joe Biden's November victory, influential party figures like Sen. Elizabeth Warren pressed him to unilaterally forgive some or all outstanding student debt. Biden was reticent — he preferred making a deal with Congress — but over time, progressive activists convinced him to launch an ambitious plan to wipe $10,000 off the balance of nearly every federal loan, and another $10,000 from debt held by low-income students. It was a historic opportunity, they argued, to help close the racial wealth gap and give relief to people who had been victimized by too-expensive colleges.
Biden also untangled a knot of existing loan forgiveness programs designed to help people including public servants, students with disabilities, and people who were defrauded by their college. Those actions alone resulted in 5.3 million students having $188 billion in loans wiped away.
A group of Republican attorneys general sued over the $10,000 plan, and the Supreme Court obliterated the program based on its newly fabricated 'major questions doctrine.' Biden pressed forward with more loan forgiveness schemes.
The most important was the SAVE plan, which was designed for (but not limited to) community college students. It lowered students' monthly payments from 10 percent of their discretionary income to as little as 5 percent, and forgave any outstanding debts in as soon as 10 years for students with loans smaller than $12,000 (instead of 20 years). Almost 8 million people enrolled in SAVE.
As for student loan repayments, Biden extended the collections pause all the way until October 2023, when he was forced to restart the system by Republicans. After a one-year 'on-ramp' to payment, the clock began ticking last October.
The Department of Education has since told the servicing companies that manage the loans to start reporting non-paying borrowers to credit agencies. In just the last three months, millions of borrowers have suddenly seen their credit scores dip. This week marked the beginning of the federal government's drive to start collecting on loans that were already in default before the pandemic.
The plan that could devastate the financial aid landscape
College students and people with loans aren't just facing harsh new debt collection tactics from the Trump administration. The president's Republican allies in states and Congress are working to make college loan policy far less student-friendly in the future.
Another group of Republican attorneys general sued to stop SAVE, and the program is currently held up in federal court. (During this time, everyone in the program has had their loan put in suspended animation, meaning no interest has accrued and they didn't owe payments.) The House Republican plan would reverse its efforts, eliminating a provision that set loan payments to $0 for low-income borrowers, and instead increasing payments to up to 15 percent of income for current borrowers and 10 percent for future borrowers. It would also deny forgiveness until 30 years of payments — that is, most of a borrower's working life.
Those who do borrow will face repayment on much harsher terms.
Biden's Department of Education wrote tough new rules designed to prevent students, particularly members of the military, from being defrauded in the first place. One rule cuts off federal financial aid to college programs that load up students with too much debt and don't prepare them to get jobs that pay an adequate wage. The Republican plan would repeal virtually all of those regulations. It would also prevent future education secretaries from creating new loan forgiveness plans.
This means that, for students entering college or graduate school for the first time, the financial aid landscape could be grim. The Republican plan puts new limits on how much students in high-cost areas or in high-cost programs can borrow for tuition, books, room and board, even as moderate-income students will no longer be eligible for federal grants. Borrowing for graduate and professional school could be capped in a way that would make it much more difficult for lower-income students to pursue careers in medicine and law.
Those who do borrow will face repayment on much harsher terms. And with most of the guardrails protecting students from predatory for-profit colleges lifted, it's more likely that they will be saddled with loans for degrees that have little or no value in the job market — if they manage to graduate at all.
A sea change
For the last five years, many borrowers held out hope that they could move forward in their lives without the yoke of student debt. Debt forgiveness plans were announced and congratulatory letters mailed, only to have the courts and electoral politics pull those promises away. Now the Department of Education has declared, 'There will not be any mass loan forgiveness.' As long as Trump is president, this is certainly true.
Borrowers who took advantage of the five-year hiatus will need to get back in the habit of loan repayment. So will recent graduates who haven't made payments before. For those in financial difficulty, even less-generous payments plans are almost certainly a better option than default.
If the loan collection system cracks and falters under the strain, the government won't have people with enough expertise to step in and fix it.
One student loan servicer reports that only 38 percent of borrowers are up-to-date and actively making payments on their loans as of February, down from 60 percent before the pandemic. This is partially a problem of Republicans' own making — millions of borrowers have had their payments suspended while the SAVE lawsuit plays out in court. But there is no doubt that millions of people are at serious risk of defaulting on their student debt and suffering serious financial consequences.
Restarting a collection system that was never designed to be turned off in the first place will be an enormous challenge for the Education Department and its contractors. Normally, the Federal Student Aid office (FSA) in the Education Department would have experts in place to help manage the vast, complex student loan system during a once-in-a-lifetime challenge. But Education Secretary Linda McMahon and Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency minions gutted FSA during their recent purge of department employees. That means if the loan collection system cracks and falters under the strain, the government won't have people with enough expertise to step in and fix it.
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Politico
8 minutes ago
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Politico
15 minutes ago
- Politico
The ‘Medicaid moderates' are the senators to watch on the megabill
The Senate's deficit hawks might be raising the loudest hue and cry over the GOP's 'big, beautiful bill.' But another group of Republicans is poised to have a bigger impact on the final legislative product. Call them the 'Medicaid moderates.' They're actually an ideologically diverse bunch — ranging from conservative Josh Hawley of Missouri to centrist Susan Collins of Maine. Yet they have found rare alignment over concerns about what the House-passed version of the GOP domestic-policy megabill does to the national safety-net health program, and they have the leverage to force significant changes in the Senate. 'I would hope that we would elect not to do anything that would endanger Medicaid benefits as a conference,' Hawley said in an interview. 'I've made that clear to my leadership. I think others share that perspective.' Besides Hawley and Collins, other GOP senators including Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Jim Justice of West Virginia have also drawn public red lines over health care — and they have some rhetorical backing from President Donald Trump, who has urged congressional Republicans to spare the program as much as possible. Based on early estimates from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, 10.3 million people would lose coverage under Medicaid if the House-passed bill were to become law — many, if not most, in red states. That could spell trouble for Majority Leader John Thune's whip count: He can only lose three GOP senators on the expected party-line vote and still have Vice President JD Vance break a tie. Republicans already have one all-but-guaranteed opponent in Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky so long as they stick to their plan to raise the debt limit as part of the bill. They also view Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson as increasingly likely to oppose the package after spending weeks blasting the bill on fiscal grounds. Meeting either senator's demands could be enormously difficult given the tight fiscal parameters through which House leaders have to squeeze the bill to advance it in their own chamber. That in turn is empowering the senators elsewhere in the GOP conference to make changes — and the Medicaid group is emerging as the key bloc to watch because of its size and its overlapping, relatively workable demands. Heeding those asks won't be easy. Republicans are counting on savings from Medicaid changes to offset hundreds of billions of dollars in tax cuts, and rolling that back is likely to create political pain elsewhere for Thune & Co., who already want to cut more than the House to assuage a sizable group of spending hawks. At the same time, Speaker Mike Johnson is insisting the Senate make only minor changes to the bill so as to maintain the delicate balance in his own narrowly divided chamber. Thune and Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) have already acknowledged that Medicaid, covering nearly 80 million low-income Americans, will be one of the biggest sticking points as they embark this month on a rewrite of the megabill. They are talking with key members in anticipation of difficult negotiations and being careful not to draw red lines publicly. 'We want to do things that are meaningful in terms of reforming programs, strengthening programs, without affecting beneficiaries,' Thune said, echoing language used by some of the concerned senators. Crapo voiced support in an interview for one pillar of the House bill — broad new work requirements for Medicaid beneficiaries — but rushed to add that he's 'still working with a 53-member caucus to get answers' to how the program can be overhauled: 'I can only speak for myself.' Complicating their task is the fact that some in the group — namely Collins and Murkowski — have a proven history of bucking their party even amid intense public pressure. The pair, in fact, helped tank the GOP's last party-line effort on health care, in 2017. Leaders view them as unlikely to be moved by the type of arm-twisting Republicans are planning to deploy to bring enough of the fiscal hawks on board. And then there's Hawley, who is playing up Trump's own warnings to congressional Republicans about keeping their hands off Medicaid. Hawley and Trump spoke shortly before the House passed its bill, with the senator recounting that the president said 'absolutely categorically, 'Do not touch Medicaid. No Medicaid benefit cuts, none.'' Hawley, like Crapo, has indicated he is comfortable with work requirements, but he is pushing for two major tweaks to the House language: undoing a freeze on provider taxes, which most states use to help finance their share of Medicaid costs, and new co-payment requirements for some beneficiaries that he has been calling a 'sick tax.' The provider tax changes would present an issue with multiple senators, who fear it would exacerbate the bill's impact on state budgets and slash funding that helps keep rural hospitals afloat. Justice, a former governor, called it a 'real issue.' 'They haven't done anything to really cut into the bone except that one thing,' Justice added. 'That's gonna put a big burden on the states.' Moran grabbed the attention of his colleagues when he warned in a pointed April floor speech that making changes to Medicaid would hurt rural hospitals. A 'significant portion' of his focus, he said, 'is to make sure the hospitals have the capability and the revenues necessary to provide the services the community needs — Medicaid is a component of that.' Collins, who is up for reelection in 2026, has also left the door open to supporting work requirements, depending on how they are crafted. She has also raised concerns about the provider tax provision, noting that 'rural hospitals in my state and across the country are really teetering.' Murkowski, meanwhile, isn't as concerned about the provider tax, because Alaska is the only state that doesn't use it to help cover its share of Medicaid spending. But she has expressed alarm over the House's approach to work requirements, including a decision to speed up the implementation deadline to appease House hard-liners. She said it would be 'very challenging if not impossible' for her state to implement. As it is, any effort to water down the House's Medicaid language will face steep resistance in other corners of the GOP-controlled Senate, where lawmakers are pushing to amp up spending cuts, not scale them back. Some senators, in fact, want to further tighten the House's work requirements or reduce, not just freeze, the provider tax. 'I'd be damned disappointed if a Republican majority with a Republican president didn't make some reforms,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). 'The provider tax is a money laundering machine. … If we don't go after that, we're not doing our jobs.' Ron Johnson and a few others are continuing to push to change the cost split for those Medicaid beneficiaries made eligible under the Affordable Care Act. The federal government now picks up 90 percent of the cost, and House centrists nixed an effort by conservatives to reduce it. One idea under discussion by conservatives is to phase in the change to appease skittish colleagues and state governments, but that is still likely to be a nonstarter for 50 GOP senators. Hawley warned that 'there will be no Senate bill if that is on the table.' Adam Cancryn contributed to this report.