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Sule dismisses Maha buzz on NCP merger, says busy with framing party policy

Sule dismisses Maha buzz on NCP merger, says busy with framing party policy

MUMBAI: NCP-SP MP and daughter of former Union minister Sharad Pawar, Supriya Sule, dismissed all speculation of a merger with the NCP of Ajit Pawar on Thursday.
Talking to the New Indian Express, Sule denied any such move, saying there was no such proposal. She asserted that there had been no change in her stand.
Sharad Pawar recently said his daughter would decide her future and the party's. That led to speculation that he and his nephew, Ajit Pawar, were merging their parties.
Clearing the air, Sule said that the statement by the senior Pawar had been twisted. 'I am occupied in policy-making work. We have been working on the income tax and the One Nation, One Election Bill. As a policy maker, I take my job very seriously, so there is no time to react and think about what the media has been speculating.'
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Yet again, Odisha student's death by suicide shows how India is still failing women
Yet again, Odisha student's death by suicide shows how India is still failing women

Scroll.in

time42 minutes ago

  • Scroll.in

Yet again, Odisha student's death by suicide shows how India is still failing women

Predictable, knee-jerk reactions and promises of harsh punishment followed the death by suicide of a 20-year-old woman from Odisha on July 14 after she was sexually harassed by a college faculty member. The incident underscored how India's reactive and punishment-focused response to violence against women is fundamentally inadequate. The 20-year-old BEd student at Fakir Mohan Autonomous College in Balasore had set herself ablaze outside the principal's office on July 12. Two days later, she succumbed to 95% burn injuries at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences in Bhubaneswar The student's testimonials and letters being circulated by the media show that she was harassed for months by the head of department Samir Kumar Sahu, who allegedly demanded sexual favours to clear her attendance backlogs. Sahu was arrested on July 12 and college principal Dilip Ghosh soon after. The student had met Balasore MP Pratap Sarangi to report the harassment. She had also posted about the harassment on her X account tagging the Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Majhi, the state's higher education minister and Union Minister of Education Dharmendra Pradhan, who is a Member of Parliament from Odisha. But her pleas went unheard. The immediate aftermath followed a familiar script, with Majhi promising 'strictest punishment under law'. The state government hastily directed higher education institutions to constitute Internal Complaints Committees under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, as if the absence of such mechanisms had been a sudden revelation rather than a longstanding oversight. It shows that even basic legal mandates under the act are unaddressed in Odisha. The opposition Biju Janata Dal and Congress held protests in Odisha demanding political accountability. But systemic accountability will not result solely from resorting to criminal law and punishing offenders. The systemic failures that enable such violence must be addressed. However, since the 2012 Delhi gangrape, India has repeatedly turned to punitive legislation to address sexual violence. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013, and the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2018, introduced harsher penalties for sexual offences. After the rape and murder of a trainee doctor at the state-run RG Kar Hospital in August last year, West Bengal enacted the Aparajita Woman and Child Act, 2024. But less than a year later, in July, Kolkata witnessed another violent crime: a law student was gangraped in an alleged act of revenge by a former classmate after she refused to marry one of them. The persistence of such crimes despite severe laws underlines the futility of seeking deterrence through retributive punishment alone. Friends of the Odisha student say her ordeal was not confined to sexual harassment by Sahu but also included verbal abuse and harassment that she endured for months. Sexual slurs and rumours of her being of 'loose' character were circulated on college WhatsApp groups. Demeaning language by her peers led to her being ostracised, possibly creating an environment of isolation and despair. The college Internal Complaints Committee had found Sahu guilty and recommended his transfer but the directive was not implemented. These failings show that it was not just a case of individual misconduct, but a comprehensive institutional failure that pushed a young woman to the brink. This occured despite the fact that the prevention of workplace sexual harassment law, which has mechanisms to check such incidents, includes educational institutions under its purview. Section 19 of the act mandates employers to organise workshops and awareness programmess on sexual harassment and conspicuously display the consequences of sexual harassment as well as the manner of reporting to the internal complaints committee. Merely focusing on punishing Sahu and the principal shifts focus away from the government's shortcomings in implementing the safeguards already in place. However, days after the incident, the Odisha government on July 19 announced the Shaktishree programme for women's safety. Its main features include a mobile app to report complaints, an empowerment cell of female faculty and students, a code of conduct, online training on the prevention of sexual harassment at the workplace act and increased camera surveillance. #Odisha takes a bold step with the #Shaktishree Initiative to ensure safer campuses for women. — CMO Odisha (@CMO_Odisha) July 19, 2025 The state government's technocratic approach ignores ground realities such as the fact that women, especially those from marginalised groups, have low access to smartphones and the internet. Similarly, the reliance on student-led cells, training modules and periodic visits by mentors treats sexual harassment as coordination problem rather than one requiring fundamental cultural change. The Balasore student had already reported her harassment through existing channels to the college internal complaints committee. More reporting mechanisms would not have protected her when the system failed to act on her complaints. Majhi, while announcing the Shaktishree programme, did not say whether the government has the capacity to deliver these measures, and in what timeframe. It also is not clear how everyday incidents will be prevented while this new initiative is put into place. Women as citizens Implementing both, the prevention of sexual harassment at the workplace act and the Shaktishree initiative requires political will grounded in the recognition of women's rights as citizens, not daughters, sisters or mothers. This is difficult in Indian society where close-knit family relations and caste and religion markers determine the worth of women, creating a pervasive rape culture. In another incident in Odisha earlier in July, BJP legislator Santosh Khatua used sexual slurs against Lekhashree Samantasinghar, a senior leader of the opposition Biju Janata Dal. After Samantasinghar's complaint, the police filed a case against Khatua. But the ruling BJP did not admonish its legislator or criticise his behaviour. In March, after the Congress alleged that crimes against women in the state had increased, the state government refused to constitute a house committee to consider this phenomenon. This political apathy creates an enabling environment in which violent crimes against women flourish with impunity, provoking public outrage only when they breach the narrow boundaries of respectability. In the case of the Balasore student, this culture of impunity proved fatal, as political leaders turned a blind even as the student pleaded with them to intervene. The path forward demands the strict implementation of the orders of the internal complaints committee, mandatory gender sensitisation programmes, regular institutional audits, robust grievance redressal mechanisms, psychosocial support and a cultural transformation that challenges deep-rooted social prejudices. Unless these are addressed, preventable tragedies such as the death of the young woman in Balasore will continue.

Amid Maharashtra poll ‘fraud' row, decks cleared for EVM verification, mock polls in Pune seats
Amid Maharashtra poll ‘fraud' row, decks cleared for EVM verification, mock polls in Pune seats

Indian Express

time42 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Amid Maharashtra poll ‘fraud' row, decks cleared for EVM verification, mock polls in Pune seats

Months after several losing Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) candidates alleged irregularities in the November 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections, the Pune district election officer has ordered inspection and verification of electronic voting machines (EVMs) of 27 polling stations in the Hadapsar constituency on an application of NCP(SP) candidate Prashant Jagtap from July 25 to August 2. Jagtap was defeated by sitting NCP legislator Chetan Tupe by 7,122 votes. Jagtap has deposited a fee of Rs 12.74 lakh to the district election officer or collector for the EVMs' verification in 27 of the constituency's booths, where he believes he should have gained an upper hand. The checking and verification of the 27 EVMs, which will also involve mock polls, will be done at the Bhosari godown in the district, where the voting machines are stored in a strong room. The entire process will be carried out as per the Election Commission (EC)'s standard operating procedure (SOP). Each EVM comprising a control unit and a VVPAT (voter verified paper audit trail) machine with 1,400 votes would be checked, official sources said. Two EVMs would be verified on July 25, followed by the checking of four voting machines each day for the next six days, with the remaining one machine to be verified on August 2. According to the deputy district election officer and deputy collector, Meenal Kalaskar, 27 EVMs' data will be verified, which were registered during the counting of votes in November 2024, in the presence of the candidate's representatives. 'The data will be erased and a mock poll for each EVM consisting of a control unit and a VVPAT will be conducted to further verify the operation of the machine,' Kalaskar said, adding that a final report will be submitted to the EC for any further action. Jagtap said the checking and verification of EVMs would 'expose' alleged electoral malpractices due to which, he claimed, he lost the polls in Hadapsar to his NCP rival. He said he would seek re-election once it is proved that the EVMs had 'discrepancies' during the polls. While the Sharad Pawar-led NCP(SP) is an ally of the MVA, the NCP, headed by Ajit Pawar, is a key constituent of the ruling BJP-led Mahayuti coalition. Chetan Tupe, however, rejected Jagtap's allegations, saying that 'The defeated candidate will achieve nothing out of this exercise. It is a mere mock poll. It has been proved time and again that EVMs are accurate. The defeated candidate has raised doubts about EVMs, so it is between Jagtap and Election Commission.' He also said, 'I have been elected and declared a legislator constitutionally. I have nothing to worry about. There is no question of any re-election.' The mock drill of each EVM is done before the start of voting and only verified machines are used in actual polling, Tupe said, pointing out that the verification of five EVMs of each Assembly constituency had also been done after the counting of votes, in which votes polled are matched with the VVPAT slips. 'Both times, there were no problems in EVMs. It will be the same now,' he said, adding Jagtap should accept his defeat. The incumbent Mahayuti, which includes the BJP and Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena besides the NCP (SP), swept the Assembly polls, winning 235 of the total 288 seats as against the MVA's 50, with the latter comprising the Congress, Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) and the NCP. However, barely five months earlier, in June 2024, the MVA had won 30 of the total 48 seats in the Lok Sabha polls in the state as against the Mahayuti's 17. So, in the wake of the Assembly poll results, the MVA leaders alleged that manipulated EVMs and rigged polls caused their debacle, with some of their losing candidates challenging it before the state election authorities too. The Pune administration's July 25-August 2 exercise will also involve the district's Khadakwasla Assembly constituency. The losing NCP(SP) candidate in Khadakwasla, Sachin Dodke, has sought the inspection and verification of only two EVMs though. He was defeated by BJP candidate Bhimrao Tapkir by 52,000 votes, who bagged the seat for the fourth consecutive time. Significantly, an NCP(SP) candidate, Uttamrao Jankar, also alleged tampering of EVMs despite winning his election from the Malshiras Assembly seat in Solapur district against the BJP candidate by over 13,000 votes. He extended his support to a mock poll with ballot papers proposed by the people of Markadwadi village in his constituency to 'verify' the Assembly poll results. However, the Markadwadi villagers' proposed ballot paper exercise on December 3 last year was called off after police warned of action citing prohibitory orders issued by the district administration. 'We will take up this issue with the EC and judiciary, we will not stop until we get justice,' Jankar had then said.

SC issues notice on President's reference: Can courts set deadlines for guvs & Prez on bills?
SC issues notice on President's reference: Can courts set deadlines for guvs & Prez on bills?

United News of India

timean hour ago

  • United News of India

SC issues notice on President's reference: Can courts set deadlines for guvs & Prez on bills?

New Delhi, July 22 (UNI) The Supreme Court today issued notices to the Union government and all state governments on President Droupadi Murmu's crucial reference seeking clarity on the constitutional powers of governors and the President to grant assent to Bills under Articles 200 and 201. A constitution bench led by Chief Justice of India BR Gavai, along with justices Surya Kant, Vikram Nath, PS Narasimha and AS Chandurkar, posted the matter for hearing next Tuesday to allow appearances by all respondents. The CJI indicated that the court plans to hear the case in August. Attorney General for India R Venkataramani was requested to assist the court. Solicitor general Tushar Mehta, appearing for the Union government, waived formal notice. Senior advocate KK Venugopal, representing Kerala, flagged concerns over the maintainability of the presidential reference. Similarly, senior advocate P Wilson, appearing for Tamil Nadu, noted that issues raised are already covered by the recent Supreme Court ruling in the Tamil Nadu Governor's case and said Tamil Nadu would contest the maintainability as well. The reference comes in the backdrop of the Supreme Court's recent landmark judgment in the Tamil Nadu case, where the court ruled that governors cannot indefinitely withhold assent to Bills (popularly termed as 'pocket veto'), and set a maximum three-month timeline for decisions. The court further held that if a governor reserves a bill for the President, the President too must act within three months. It also declared deemed assent for 10 bills pending with the Tamil Nadu Governor for over a year. The ruling drew sharp criticism from former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, who questioned whether courts could direct the President, and described the court's Article 142 powers as a 'nuclear missile'. The presidential reference now seeks the court's opinion on 14 key constitutional questions, including: Whether courts can prescribe timelines for the President or a governor to act on bills in the absence of specific constitutional limits; Whether the governor is bound by the advice of the state cabinet under Article 200. Whether the governor or President's discretion in assenting to Bills is justiciable. Whether the Supreme Court's Article 142 powers extend to issuing orders contrary to constitutional provisions. Whether the Supreme Court can resolve Union-State disputes outside a suit under Article 131. Whether Bills become law without the governor's assent. Justices Narasimha and Chandurkar on the bench are also hearing the Kerala governor matter, where the state argues that the Tamil Nadu judgment applies, while the Union government disagrees, contending that the court should wait for the outcome of this presidential reference. The court will take up this significant constitutional matter next Tuesday, with its decision likely to shape the contours of legislative assent powers and Centre-State relations for years to come. UNI SNG PRS

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