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Mission-oriented economic policy

Mission-oriented economic policy

There seems to be a lot of focus on the working of ministry of finance, which is not to say that its role is in any way less important than other sectors of the economy, yet given a world of polycrisis, including unwarranted belligerence from the country's eastern neighbour – which was met with overpowering but justifiably measured force by Pakistan – the role of economic policy, especially towards improving economic institutional quality – or ministries at the federal, and departments at the provincial level for subjects totally in provincial domain and underlying organizational, and market development, in particular in terms of governance and incentive structures, should serve as a much more strengthened second line of defense.
Hence, economic policy-making on these lines is approached to provide much-needed enhanced support to further augment otherwise sound efforts of armed forces for ensuring national territorial independence. In addition, such economic policy is needed to improve protection against the existential threat of climate change crisis, and the related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, the attainment of sustainable development goals, sustainably managing the debt distress, building-up ample foreign exchange reserves, managing inflation, reducing poverty and inequality, and strengthening democracy.
Moreover, economic policy needs to be approached in a mission-oriented, purpose-driven way, where the best minds in economics globally, especially those who have a grip on the misgivings of neoliberal economics of the past four decades– for instance, but not limited to names like Mariana Mazzucato, Isabella M. Weber, Joseph E. Stiglitz, Clara Mattei – need to be brought together, and along with local policymakers a certain multi-year economic policy, and supportive budgetary framework needs to be developed. That such plans have required level of inclusivity for greater acumen, indigenous knowledge, international best practices, and ownership, all major political parties, all provinces, and multilateral/bilateral development partners are taken on board in these discussions.
The fast-unfolding nature of climate change crisis, the related presence of high likelihood of the 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, and strengthening economy as a power house in support of national defense – which despite the economic weaknesses is very strong, something that speaks volumes of its excellent potential, and provides great opportunity to develop it further to heights that can propel it as second to none – is important to be done as a second defense to nation's territorial independence, for wellbeing of its citizens, for enhancing the quality of its democracy, and for improving its standing among economies globally.
For one, a project-based approach needs to be nested in an overall programme-based approached with sector-level economic policy is formulated, and budgets – federal, and provincial – are evolved in an aligned way. Second, the civil service is replaced with 'one' public service, which represents all the economic sectors, and where performance-based streams are distinguished along the lines of 'fast-stream' and 'regular streams'. Underlying educational systems improved for better quality of labour-, and entrepreneurial segments, together with merit-, and qualitatively improved screening processes put in place for better graduation of human capital to decision-making hierarchy, and innovation-led economy.
Third, broad economic policy contours thus reached as a consequence of this mission-oriented economic policy should see the interconnectedness of economic policy, with environmental, and epidemiological policy; not to mention a document reached on these lines, with profound consensus behind it will most likely, and at least in terms of its broad framework, have enough strong status as a convention to safeguard against decisions made on whims by changing political regimes over time.
To illustrate some important motivational, and inspirational streaks that perhaps should define the manifestation of the mission-oriented nature of such a policy framework, the purpose-driven, mission-oriented spirit could be understood further from the herculean task of landing man on the moon in just one decade taken upon by former US President John F. Kennedy. Speaking at the Rice University on September 12, 1962, he said in this regard 'We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.'
We saw the success of the 'all of state' approach while fighting against India recently, and it is this approach that should be taken in economic policymaking with high ambitions, and strict timelines – small dents will not make needed headway, when what is needed is a one big push, and within-it number of small pushes from all sides are made, and all that is done in a challenging timeframe. The burden of past sub-optimal decisions with regard to economy, for instance, requires this. We need to challenge ourselves, because the economic problem at hand is a really challenging, made all the worse by lack of course correction – for instance, and very importantly not moving away enough from neoliberal policy mindset, and in many ways sadly, such policy framework continues to get perpetuated because it serves the extractive politico-economic institutional designs of the elites.
That economic policy will need to imbibe the spirit of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 'New Deal Policies' of a more responsible financial system, and a meaningfully caring, welfare-natured government, which will also have a strong grip in terms of its own capacity – and not majorly reliant on 'outsourcing', neither just there to fix market failures, or only exist as only a facilitator of private sector – to deliver safeguard the interests of its demos, through playing a significant role in regulation, and market creation as an equal partner to private sector. After more than four decades of rein of Neoliberalism, there is some shift away from it, and which includes pushing towards bringing protectionism in the US – with consensus on this policy on both sides of the political spectrum, and the only difference is the degree of intensity – for enhancing productivity of the agricultural and industrial sector. Pakistan should learn from this approach, and move away from Neoliberalism.
That mission-oriented economic policy needs to be established as 'Green New Deal Policies' in view of the fast-unfolding of climate change crisis. In this, it has a lot to learn from China as a leader in renewable energy. Like Nordic countries, it has a meaningfully strong government sector on the lines indicated above.
Among other important things to learn from China in the field of mission-oriented economic policy – given its exceptional path to success in reducing poverty in just a few decades – is its strong emphasis on escaping the price shock therapy, and instead adopting the 'dual-track' pricing framework for achieving sustainable macroeconomic stability, including efficiently-managing inflation, and laying an important basis for bringing fast-paced development of especially heavy industry, and enhancing the productivity of the agricultural sector in overall improving domestic production, and export competitiveness. So, while it is important to carry forward the projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is also important to learn from the economic policy approach of China.
Moreover, it needs to be pointed out that while India has excelled in terms of economic growth for a number of years now overall, that growth nonetheless has strong elements of neoliberal policy, which means that it has enhanced the gap between rich and poor, and has also weakened democracy in the process. On the contrary, China has adopted non-neoliberal policies – for instance, not going for outright privatization, and instead in most cases adopted innovative ways to keep government's check through coming up with mixed-ownership model for running state-owned enterprises, and also did not follow price 'shock therapy' policies, and also has meaningful capital controls, and reasonable level of significant protectionist policy – to make unprecedented dent to poverty as not seen before at least in recent human history, which should serve as important learning for Pakistan economic policy framework.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

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Policy issues in EFF programme — I
Policy issues in EFF programme — I

Business Recorder

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Policy issues in EFF programme — I

Pakistan's Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme with International Monetary Fund (IMF), which as per one of its benchmarks also forms the basis of the upcoming federal budget, suffers serious flaws in terms of prescribed policy, and objectives. Together with the other recently negotiated Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF) programme, the EFF programme targets putting the country on a sustainable macroeconomic, economic growth, and green economy-based resilience against climate change and 'Pandemicene' phenomenon path. The problem is that for achieving these three objectives, it prescribes neoliberal and over-board monetary and fiscal austerity policies, which during the last four decades or so, have not only proved to be counter-productive to achieving the goals that have been stated above, but have also increased income inequality, and poverty, and diminished political voice, and overall weakened the quality of democracy. Moreover, as indicated, the upcoming federal budget, and provincial economic policies and budgets under the overall 'National Fiscal Pact' all need to continue to get aligned with these policy prescriptions under the EFF programme. While analysing the recently released 'IMF Country Report No. 25/109' there are a number of policy prescriptions that need to be pointed out to highlight the alignment of policies with neoliberal, over-board austerity framework, and how they are counter-productive to achieving the much-needed stated goals, especially in a world strongly punctuated by polycrisis, in particular the fast-unfolding climate change crisis, and the likely, and related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon. To start with, serious ongoing geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, Ukraine-Russia conflict, and heightened tensions between two nuclear-armed countries Pakistan and India, and the fast-increasing global warming, and likely risks of another pandemic are significant, posing significant downward risks to the EFF programme. For instance, with regard to global warming, according to the recently released 'WMO [World Meteorological Organization] global annual to decadal climate update 2025-2029' report, 'It is likely (86% chance) that global mean near-surface temperature will exceed 1.5°C above the 1850-1900 average levels for at least one year between 2025 and 2029. It is also likely (70% chance) that the 2025-2029 five-year mean will exceed 1.5°C above the 1850-1900 average.' Moreover, while global warming at the back of fast-unfolding climate change crisis continues to increase, with it the probability of the related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon likely also continues to rise. It is important to note that not much has improved in terms of preparedness mainly in terms of public health, making resilient aggregate supply chains, and making meaningfully supportive patent law/intellectual property rights (IPRs) under the current World Trade Organization (WTO) regime for better preparing against these existential threats. A significant cause of all of this continues to be neoliberal, and over-board austerity policies, which is shocking, given the lack of preparedness this policy had caused, as revealed by Covid-19 pandemic, and the global aggregate supply shock that struck in the wake of the pandemic. An August 15, 2024 'Foreign Affairs' magazine published article 'The world is not ready for the next pandemic' indicated – and the findings of which unfortunately still hold strong after almost a year since its publication, as not much has changed in terms of policy response where, for instance, no significant effort has been made by IMF in terms of its policy prescriptions in its programmes with recipient countries, including Pakistan –as follows: 'Less than five years after the outbreak of COVID-19, the world remains vulnerable to another pandemic. Over the past five months, a mutated strain of the H5N1 influenza virus detected in dairy cattle poses a potential risk for a pandemic-causing virus. Yet governments and international organizations have done far too little to prepare for such a scenario, despite the lessons they should have learned from the global battle with Covid-19.' Two more economic trends globally need to be understood to bring proper context to whatever little semblance of most probably short-term natured macroeconomic stability achieved domestically under the EFF programme, and that is, firstly, the negative impact of tariffs, geopolitical tensions, and climate change crisis on one hand, and the over-board monetary-, and fiscal austerity policies coming through their respective transmission pathways, and resulting in lower aggregate demand, reduced aggregate supply correspondingly, and overall low growth globally. For instance, the June 2025 report titled 'OECD [Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development] Economic Outlook: tackling uncertainty, reviving growth' highlighted the likely negative impact of tariffs imposed by US on global economic growth as 'The global outlook is becoming increasingly challenging. Substantial increases in barriers to trade, tighter financial conditions, weaker business and consumer confidence and heightened policy uncertainty will all have marked adverse effects on growth prospects if they persist. Higher trade costs, especially in countries raising tariffs, will also push up inflation, although their impact will be offset partially by weaker commodity prices. Global GDP growth is projected to slow from 3.3% in 2024 to 2.9% this year and in 2026…There are substantial risks to these projections, with the scale and duration of the expected downturn remaining highly uncertain.' Secondly, the windfall gains from a very low price of oil internationally – crude oil falling from the usual highs traditionally of around $100 per barrel to around $60 per barrel – in terms of producing positive impacts for balance of payments, in particular import payments, and imported-, and in turn, cost-push inflation all receiving a dent. A June 5, Bloomberg published article 'Oil stalls as traders weigh Saudi output push, summer demand' pointed out in this regard: 'Oil remained stuck near $65 a barrel as signs Saudi Arabia is seeking another big production increase at next month's OPEC+ meeting offset the outlook for summer demand.' Hence, macroeconomic stability achieved under the EFF programme has significant attribution from low oil prices, which is at best a transitory influence because it does not suit the interests of oil producers beyond the short-term like reportedly punishing certain members of OPEC+. A May 31, Bloomberg published article 'OPEC+ agrees on third oil supply surge despite Russia's qualms' pointed out in this regard: 'OPEC+ agreed to surge oil output for the third month in a row despite reservations from key member Russia, doubling down on a historic policy shift that has sent crude prices sinking.…Officials say the supply hikes reflect Saudi Arabia's desire to punish over-producing members like Kazakhstan and Iraq, recoup market share lost to US shale drillers and other rivals, and satisfy President Donald Trump's desire for cheaper oil. …Oil briefly crashed to a four-year low under $60 a barrel in April after the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and its allies first announced that they would bolster output by triple the scheduled amount. …While Brent futures have since recovered to trade near $64 a barrel, the International Monetary Fund estimates the Saudis need prices above $90 to cover the lavish spending plans of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. The kingdom is contending with a soaring budget deficit, and has been forced to cut investment on flagship projects such as the futuristic city, Neom.' Sustained macroeconomic stability and economic growth on the contrary require strong non-neoliberal, non-austerity based institutional, organizational, and market reforms. Structural reforms being suggested – in line with the traditional neoliberal, and over-board austerity-based outlook of the IMF – like seeing government as mainly reacting to market failures, and regulating loosely and, in turn, the direction of reforms pushing towards reducing government's footprint, rather than rationalizing its role, which could mean overall increasing its footprint if need be. While there are arguments on both sides of greater role of private sector in running the economy, that view has continued to sideline, especially in the wake of the misgivings that were exposed by the Global Financial Crisis 2007/08, and then in the wake of the Covid pandemic in the shape of lack of resilience created over decades under the neoliberal assault, along with little institutional provisions being placed under trade rules; for instance, to push for provision of vaccines as a global public good. Quite shockingly, such lessons have not been reflected through EFF programme thinking that continues to be the flagbearer of neoliberal thinking. Also, it is no hidden fact that the success of the Scandinavian countries or China for instance has been at the back of a strong state sector protecting the rights of its demos from the profit-motive excesses of the private sector by public sector playing a significant role in market creation, through adopting counter-cyclical policy framework, and in pushing towards greater productive and allocative efficiencies. Yet, without making anywhere near similar effort by the public sector, both in terms of improved institutional capacity, and providing needed levels of investment, there is a strong emphasis under the EFF programme to push for greater privatization, whereby the demos will be left virtually at the whims of private sector, given lack of capacity of the government to regulate private sector, at the back of years of under capacitation through lack of investment in education in general, and by following an ever-increasing practice of outsourcing more technical aspects of service delivery. Hence, this begs the question as to how can a government that has not properly run a certain affair like railways, or steel mills, has the capacity, and knowledge to regulate the private sector intoboth efficiently running these affairs, and also not jeopardize public welfare aspects by over-emphasizing profit interests? —To be continued Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

Mission-oriented economic policy
Mission-oriented economic policy

Business Recorder

time15-05-2025

  • Business Recorder

Mission-oriented economic policy

There seems to be a lot of focus on the working of ministry of finance, which is not to say that its role is in any way less important than other sectors of the economy, yet given a world of polycrisis, including unwarranted belligerence from the country's eastern neighbour – which was met with overpowering but justifiably measured force by Pakistan – the role of economic policy, especially towards improving economic institutional quality – or ministries at the federal, and departments at the provincial level for subjects totally in provincial domain and underlying organizational, and market development, in particular in terms of governance and incentive structures, should serve as a much more strengthened second line of defense. Hence, economic policy-making on these lines is approached to provide much-needed enhanced support to further augment otherwise sound efforts of armed forces for ensuring national territorial independence. In addition, such economic policy is needed to improve protection against the existential threat of climate change crisis, and the related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, the attainment of sustainable development goals, sustainably managing the debt distress, building-up ample foreign exchange reserves, managing inflation, reducing poverty and inequality, and strengthening democracy. Moreover, economic policy needs to be approached in a mission-oriented, purpose-driven way, where the best minds in economics globally, especially those who have a grip on the misgivings of neoliberal economics of the past four decades– for instance, but not limited to names like Mariana Mazzucato, Isabella M. Weber, Joseph E. Stiglitz, Clara Mattei – need to be brought together, and along with local policymakers a certain multi-year economic policy, and supportive budgetary framework needs to be developed. That such plans have required level of inclusivity for greater acumen, indigenous knowledge, international best practices, and ownership, all major political parties, all provinces, and multilateral/bilateral development partners are taken on board in these discussions. The fast-unfolding nature of climate change crisis, the related presence of high likelihood of the 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, and strengthening economy as a power house in support of national defense – which despite the economic weaknesses is very strong, something that speaks volumes of its excellent potential, and provides great opportunity to develop it further to heights that can propel it as second to none – is important to be done as a second defense to nation's territorial independence, for wellbeing of its citizens, for enhancing the quality of its democracy, and for improving its standing among economies globally. For one, a project-based approach needs to be nested in an overall programme-based approached with sector-level economic policy is formulated, and budgets – federal, and provincial – are evolved in an aligned way. Second, the civil service is replaced with 'one' public service, which represents all the economic sectors, and where performance-based streams are distinguished along the lines of 'fast-stream' and 'regular streams'. Underlying educational systems improved for better quality of labour-, and entrepreneurial segments, together with merit-, and qualitatively improved screening processes put in place for better graduation of human capital to decision-making hierarchy, and innovation-led economy. Third, broad economic policy contours thus reached as a consequence of this mission-oriented economic policy should see the interconnectedness of economic policy, with environmental, and epidemiological policy; not to mention a document reached on these lines, with profound consensus behind it will most likely, and at least in terms of its broad framework, have enough strong status as a convention to safeguard against decisions made on whims by changing political regimes over time. To illustrate some important motivational, and inspirational streaks that perhaps should define the manifestation of the mission-oriented nature of such a policy framework, the purpose-driven, mission-oriented spirit could be understood further from the herculean task of landing man on the moon in just one decade taken upon by former US President John F. Kennedy. Speaking at the Rice University on September 12, 1962, he said in this regard 'We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.' We saw the success of the 'all of state' approach while fighting against India recently, and it is this approach that should be taken in economic policymaking with high ambitions, and strict timelines – small dents will not make needed headway, when what is needed is a one big push, and within-it number of small pushes from all sides are made, and all that is done in a challenging timeframe. The burden of past sub-optimal decisions with regard to economy, for instance, requires this. We need to challenge ourselves, because the economic problem at hand is a really challenging, made all the worse by lack of course correction – for instance, and very importantly not moving away enough from neoliberal policy mindset, and in many ways sadly, such policy framework continues to get perpetuated because it serves the extractive politico-economic institutional designs of the elites. That economic policy will need to imbibe the spirit of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 'New Deal Policies' of a more responsible financial system, and a meaningfully caring, welfare-natured government, which will also have a strong grip in terms of its own capacity – and not majorly reliant on 'outsourcing', neither just there to fix market failures, or only exist as only a facilitator of private sector – to deliver safeguard the interests of its demos, through playing a significant role in regulation, and market creation as an equal partner to private sector. After more than four decades of rein of Neoliberalism, there is some shift away from it, and which includes pushing towards bringing protectionism in the US – with consensus on this policy on both sides of the political spectrum, and the only difference is the degree of intensity – for enhancing productivity of the agricultural and industrial sector. Pakistan should learn from this approach, and move away from Neoliberalism. That mission-oriented economic policy needs to be established as 'Green New Deal Policies' in view of the fast-unfolding of climate change crisis. In this, it has a lot to learn from China as a leader in renewable energy. Like Nordic countries, it has a meaningfully strong government sector on the lines indicated above. Among other important things to learn from China in the field of mission-oriented economic policy – given its exceptional path to success in reducing poverty in just a few decades – is its strong emphasis on escaping the price shock therapy, and instead adopting the 'dual-track' pricing framework for achieving sustainable macroeconomic stability, including efficiently-managing inflation, and laying an important basis for bringing fast-paced development of especially heavy industry, and enhancing the productivity of the agricultural sector in overall improving domestic production, and export competitiveness. So, while it is important to carry forward the projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is also important to learn from the economic policy approach of China. Moreover, it needs to be pointed out that while India has excelled in terms of economic growth for a number of years now overall, that growth nonetheless has strong elements of neoliberal policy, which means that it has enhanced the gap between rich and poor, and has also weakened democracy in the process. On the contrary, China has adopted non-neoliberal policies – for instance, not going for outright privatization, and instead in most cases adopted innovative ways to keep government's check through coming up with mixed-ownership model for running state-owned enterprises, and also did not follow price 'shock therapy' policies, and also has meaningful capital controls, and reasonable level of significant protectionist policy – to make unprecedented dent to poverty as not seen before at least in recent human history, which should serve as important learning for Pakistan economic policy framework. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

Rationalizing priorities for federal and provincial budgets
Rationalizing priorities for federal and provincial budgets

Business Recorder

time09-05-2025

  • Business Recorder

Rationalizing priorities for federal and provincial budgets

For a country to be among the top ten countries in the world in terms of population, and with more than 60 percent of its population below 30 years of age, to have such a low GDP per capita, or average income per person, and where one-third of the country falls below the poverty line, along with weak economic institutional quality is a strong reason for concern. In addition, the country is also among the top ten climate challenged countries, not to mention the high association of climate change with the 'Pandemicene' phenomenon. At the same time, the fast-unfolding climate change crisis has been producing strong negative consequences in the shape of heat waves, crop patterns and yields, and most importantly inducing poor air quality in terms of creating serious smog related issue all year long in many parts of the country, especially in winters, and where poor quality of petroleum, along with little forest cover being the main reasons for accentuating climate change in the first place. Also, overboard application of austerity – both in terms of fiscal- and monetary austerity – policies has been employed to curtail aggregate demand excessively, rather than removing the supply-side bottlenecks to control inflation, and also increase domestic production, exports, and employment levels. Higher exports, and better import-side administrative controls, in turn, help keep current account sustainable. Moreover, reined-in austerity policies enable better debt management, leave larger fiscal space mainly due to lower interest payments, which brings greater margin for government to introduce counter-cyclical policies. In an environment of low economic growth situation, which has been the case for Pakistan for some years now, means lowering taxes, and enhancing expenditures that overall help increase economic growth. Also, lower interest payment would also generate lesser need for downward revision of development expenditure in an overall effort to reach primary surplus, which being one of the conditionalities under the ongoing International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme. At the same time, foreign portfolio investment (FPI) is not lured with keeping interest rates on the higher side, but rather better focus is placed for improving aggregate supply, along with introducing reforms to improve economic institutional quality all providing greater positive impetus to exports, and enhancing attractiveness for more reliable, and employment-enhancing foreign direct investment (FDI). Hence, as a consequence of non-austerity and counter-cyclical policies on one hand, and greater administrative controls on imports, improved exports, and FDI levels on the other hand, produce strong positive impact on current account, enable bringing down tax burden and overall help reach higher, and more sustainable economic growth. In addition, higher tariffs situation feeding into an already difficult world of polycrisis call for adoption of a well-focused policy for protectionism so that essential-natured domestic industrial base is established on a strong footing. This needs to be done to improve aggregate supply so as to safeguard against both the supply chain related disruptions, and the increase in imported inflation at the back of price gouging as was seen in the wake of Covid pandemic, where likelihood of more pandemics is significant due to strong influence of climate change in enhancing likelihood of zoonotic diseases and, in turn, pandemics in the future. An August 15, 2024 Foreign Affairs article 'The World is not ready for the next pandemic' pointed out with regard to possible future pandemics as 'Less than five years after the outbreak of COVID-19, the world remains vulnerable to another pandemic. Over the past five months, a mutated strain of the H5N1 influenza virus detected in dairy cattle poses a potential risk for a pandemic-causing virus. Yet governments and international organizations have done far too little to prepare for such a scenario, despite the lessons they should have learned from the global battle with the COVID-19 crisis revealed the shortcomings of the global public health response system, many assumed that governments and international organizations would strive to fix the most obvious problems. Given the catastrophic human and economic costs of the pandemic, countries had a strong incentive to start spending heavily on developing new generations of more protective influenza and coronavirus vaccines, as well as to greatly expand global manufacturing and distribution networks. But this has not happened. At current funding levels, it will likely take a decade or longer to develop more effective and longer-lasting vaccines.' It is in this broader context that federal and provincial budgets are to be shaped. This whole budget context requires a consensus-based approach of both the levels of government, given many important subjects like health, education, environment, and agriculture stand transferred to the provinces under the 18th Constitutional amendment, along with meaningful enhancement of provincial share – which is close to 60 percent – in the divisible pool of resources going to provinces in the wake of the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) award. The federal and provincial budgets need better focus and alignment with regard to the three fundamental pillars – economy, environment, and epidemiology. Moreover, budgets need to internalize a connected role of all three pillars in an era of polycrisis, a situation that also demands creating domestic resilience in terms of developing local industry in an overall effort to create a green, and resilient economy. Hence, for instance, smog is an important issue, and one of the main contributors to smog is consumption of low-grade petroleum products in the country. Hence, a budgeting needs to be made for replacing low-grade petroleum products with better grade oil. Moreover, changing the composition and orientation of public transport is important for the smog crisis, which means purchasing electronic buses, for instance, and improving the rail system. Moreover, better rationalized priorities of budgets require bringing overall improvement in the rail system for instance – and not making disproportionately high budgetary allocations for limited-natured projects like establishing high-speed rail, and bullet trains as announced recently by government of Punjab – for greater route coverage, catering for much more population, and creating needed support for transporting goods is much more consequential in dealing with climate change crisis, and also for instance, providing much-needed support for farmers in terms of transportation from farm to market. Similarly, budgets should be rationalized in catering to the financial needs of the organizational reform strategy of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in an overall effort to improve upon the quality, and quantity of heavy industrial base, including the import substituting industry. Moreover, budgets should be formulated in a mission-oriented way for improving the educational, and health sectors both in terms of improving the lagging performance with regard to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and also for creating better preparedness, and resilience of these sectors in an overall environment of climate change crisis, and 'Pandemicene' phenomenon. For example, preparedness of schools in terms of remote learning, in case of lockdown if another pandemic comes, and enhancing capacity to produce vaccines domestically, and creating depth in production capacity to better tailor research for a specific disease on which the pandemic is based. Another important focus of the budgets has to be on creating a basis for starting and sustaining a 'dual track' pricing framework, where just like China in the 1980s, and 1990s – when it was at a similar stage of economic development as Pakistan currently –prices of essential natured commodities of agriculture, and industrial intermediaries, for instance, and which are also in scarce supply, are kept at a level that allows better management of inflation, and also keeping exports competitive. Hence, a significant amount of subsidy allocation needs to be made in federal, and provincial budgets to sustain this much-needed 'dual track' pricing framework, coupled with a well-focused reform strategy, with adequate level of governance, and incentive structures for increasing the productive efficiency of these sectors, so that over time less support is needed to be provided in subsidy at the back of greater efficiency gains and better price discovery of such commodities. It also needs to be pointed out here that the current level of climate finance for instance is much lower than what is needed to dent the climate change crisis, especially much needed financial augmentation of budgets of developing countries, in particular of the highly climate change vulnerable countries like Pakistan. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

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