
Mission-oriented economic policy
Hence, economic policy-making on these lines is approached to provide much-needed enhanced support to further augment otherwise sound efforts of armed forces for ensuring national territorial independence. In addition, such economic policy is needed to improve protection against the existential threat of climate change crisis, and the related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, the attainment of sustainable development goals, sustainably managing the debt distress, building-up ample foreign exchange reserves, managing inflation, reducing poverty and inequality, and strengthening democracy.
Moreover, economic policy needs to be approached in a mission-oriented, purpose-driven way, where the best minds in economics globally, especially those who have a grip on the misgivings of neoliberal economics of the past four decades– for instance, but not limited to names like Mariana Mazzucato, Isabella M. Weber, Joseph E. Stiglitz, Clara Mattei – need to be brought together, and along with local policymakers a certain multi-year economic policy, and supportive budgetary framework needs to be developed. That such plans have required level of inclusivity for greater acumen, indigenous knowledge, international best practices, and ownership, all major political parties, all provinces, and multilateral/bilateral development partners are taken on board in these discussions.
The fast-unfolding nature of climate change crisis, the related presence of high likelihood of the 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, and strengthening economy as a power house in support of national defense – which despite the economic weaknesses is very strong, something that speaks volumes of its excellent potential, and provides great opportunity to develop it further to heights that can propel it as second to none – is important to be done as a second defense to nation's territorial independence, for wellbeing of its citizens, for enhancing the quality of its democracy, and for improving its standing among economies globally.
For one, a project-based approach needs to be nested in an overall programme-based approached with sector-level economic policy is formulated, and budgets – federal, and provincial – are evolved in an aligned way. Second, the civil service is replaced with 'one' public service, which represents all the economic sectors, and where performance-based streams are distinguished along the lines of 'fast-stream' and 'regular streams'. Underlying educational systems improved for better quality of labour-, and entrepreneurial segments, together with merit-, and qualitatively improved screening processes put in place for better graduation of human capital to decision-making hierarchy, and innovation-led economy.
Third, broad economic policy contours thus reached as a consequence of this mission-oriented economic policy should see the interconnectedness of economic policy, with environmental, and epidemiological policy; not to mention a document reached on these lines, with profound consensus behind it will most likely, and at least in terms of its broad framework, have enough strong status as a convention to safeguard against decisions made on whims by changing political regimes over time.
To illustrate some important motivational, and inspirational streaks that perhaps should define the manifestation of the mission-oriented nature of such a policy framework, the purpose-driven, mission-oriented spirit could be understood further from the herculean task of landing man on the moon in just one decade taken upon by former US President John F. Kennedy. Speaking at the Rice University on September 12, 1962, he said in this regard 'We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.'
We saw the success of the 'all of state' approach while fighting against India recently, and it is this approach that should be taken in economic policymaking with high ambitions, and strict timelines – small dents will not make needed headway, when what is needed is a one big push, and within-it number of small pushes from all sides are made, and all that is done in a challenging timeframe. The burden of past sub-optimal decisions with regard to economy, for instance, requires this. We need to challenge ourselves, because the economic problem at hand is a really challenging, made all the worse by lack of course correction – for instance, and very importantly not moving away enough from neoliberal policy mindset, and in many ways sadly, such policy framework continues to get perpetuated because it serves the extractive politico-economic institutional designs of the elites.
That economic policy will need to imbibe the spirit of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 'New Deal Policies' of a more responsible financial system, and a meaningfully caring, welfare-natured government, which will also have a strong grip in terms of its own capacity – and not majorly reliant on 'outsourcing', neither just there to fix market failures, or only exist as only a facilitator of private sector – to deliver safeguard the interests of its demos, through playing a significant role in regulation, and market creation as an equal partner to private sector. After more than four decades of rein of Neoliberalism, there is some shift away from it, and which includes pushing towards bringing protectionism in the US – with consensus on this policy on both sides of the political spectrum, and the only difference is the degree of intensity – for enhancing productivity of the agricultural and industrial sector. Pakistan should learn from this approach, and move away from Neoliberalism.
That mission-oriented economic policy needs to be established as 'Green New Deal Policies' in view of the fast-unfolding of climate change crisis. In this, it has a lot to learn from China as a leader in renewable energy. Like Nordic countries, it has a meaningfully strong government sector on the lines indicated above.
Among other important things to learn from China in the field of mission-oriented economic policy – given its exceptional path to success in reducing poverty in just a few decades – is its strong emphasis on escaping the price shock therapy, and instead adopting the 'dual-track' pricing framework for achieving sustainable macroeconomic stability, including efficiently-managing inflation, and laying an important basis for bringing fast-paced development of especially heavy industry, and enhancing the productivity of the agricultural sector in overall improving domestic production, and export competitiveness. So, while it is important to carry forward the projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is also important to learn from the economic policy approach of China.
Moreover, it needs to be pointed out that while India has excelled in terms of economic growth for a number of years now overall, that growth nonetheless has strong elements of neoliberal policy, which means that it has enhanced the gap between rich and poor, and has also weakened democracy in the process. On the contrary, China has adopted non-neoliberal policies – for instance, not going for outright privatization, and instead in most cases adopted innovative ways to keep government's check through coming up with mixed-ownership model for running state-owned enterprises, and also did not follow price 'shock therapy' policies, and also has meaningful capital controls, and reasonable level of significant protectionist policy – to make unprecedented dent to poverty as not seen before at least in recent human history, which should serve as important learning for Pakistan economic policy framework.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Business Recorder
08-08-2025
- Business Recorder
‘Economic Resilience Act'—I
'A resilient society is able to react to and respond after a shock. Resilience even opens new doors to enhanced growth and sustainability. …The concept of resilience can also be linked to the concept of sustainability… A development is sustainable if it can be maintained in the long run. Resilience is essential for sustainability. It prevents a person or society from falling off a cliff after being hit by a shock. …a resilient society will enjoy stronger growth over the long run because it will better absorb shocks. For that reason, a resilient society is better equipped to take risks. …As long as the economy is resilient, it will bounce back from temporary disruptions. …The concept of resilience is clearly relevant to the analysis of financial markets and macroeconomic policies. …As it is true in advanced economies, resilience in EMDEs [emerging and developing economies] also involves health resilience. …If international support is feasible, it would foster global resilience. …We all know that climate change is one of the largest challenges of our times. But we rarely consider the potential impact of man-made climate change on humanity's resilience. …Because we cannot avoid shocks as the world evolves, it is crucial for societies to be resilient – to be able to bounce back.' — Excerpts from the 2021 published book 'The resilient society' by Markus K. Brunnermeier In a world of overlapping crises of a polycrisis nature, which include the existential threat of climate change crisis, and the associated 'Pandemicene' phenomenon, it is important in general to formulate policy in an interconnected way for economy, environment, and epidemiology, and in the specific case of countries of weak democratic credentials like Pakistan, to include elections. Given both the fast-unfolding nature of existential threats, and that making a dent in any one of these aspects requires dealing with all four of them, there is a need for taking a purpose-driven, mission-oriented wholesome approach in terms of involving both whole of government, the private sector, and the bilaterals/multilaterals. Renowned economist, Mariana Mazucatto in her 2021 published book 'Mission economy: a moonshot guide to changing capitalism' indicated about the mission-oriented approach by stating the following: 'Conventional wisdom continued to portray government as a clunky bureaucratic machine that cannot innovate: at best, its role is to fix, regulate, redistribute; it corrects markets when they go wrong. …we cannot move on from the key problems until we abandon this narrow view. …Public purpose must lie at the centre of how wealth is created collectively to bring stronger alignment between value creation and value distribution. …By rethinking how the relationships between public sector and private sector can be better governed around public purpose, can we create growth that is better balanced and resilient, with new capabilities and opportunities spread across the economy.' Piecemeal, disjointed, silo approach, and one without inclusivity, especially from the demos to push for dismantling extractive politico-economic institutional design, or more simply 'elite capture', will not allow making a meaningful effort in dealing with any of these aspects, and overall reaching a sustainable political and economic situation, one where public opinion determines public policy, and not oligarchs mainly influencing policy as currently is the case. Reaching an appropriate level of economic resilience requires on one hand including all other three aspects — environment, epidemiology, and election — as complimentary to reaching economic resilience and, on the other, since policy continuity remains a challenge particularly in developing countries like Pakistan, it is important to legislate policy into law. It is in this regard that the writer strongly recommends adopting an 'Economic Resilience Act' (ERA). The basic purpose is to constitutionalize economic resilience. Debate should be held for economic philosophical resilience, so as to move towards non-neoliberal, non-overboard austerity, social democratic, counter-cyclical policy of economic resilience requires environmental resilience, epidemiological resilience. The scope of legislation being proposed in the shape of adopting an 'Economic Resilience Act' (ERA) could be understood in the light of following building blocks with regard to achieving resilience in terms of 4 'Es' – economy, environment, epidemiology, and election. Important features of the resilience act should foremost include a mission-oriented approach comprising whole of government, private sector, and bilaterals/multilaterals over 4'Es'. Moreover, it should include move towards green source of energy, shifting towards EVs as medium-term goal, and in parallel moving towards at least Euro-5 emission standards in general, and oil specifically in the short-term. Euro-7 emissions standards should be an objective only if it is viable financially, but the main goal should be to move towards alternate energy source driven transportation, and energy production. Also, a mission-oriented plan should be made for energy production, and distribution, with non-neoliberal, institutional economics approach adopted. China should be engaged deeply, proactively and in a purpose-driven way for modernizing energy infrastructure, and moving towards renewable energy, including solarization. Within economic resilience is required achieving educational resilience, and public and private service resilience, where public service comes from both public representatives, and from inducted service, that is overall government service, including the central superior services (CSS), or simply civil service. Here, the separate creation of civil service should be abolished in favour of one public service for all government servants, encompassing all fields, and has two streams – fast and regular – where sequential evaluations from an independent evaluation office on a regular basis throughout determine promotion, and demotion to a respective stream. Also, outsourcing of government should be discouraged significantly to improve their resilience in terms of capacity to deliver services, especially in times of existential threats, and overall overlapping polycrisis, and also for having the ability to protect the demos from extractive designs of private sector, especially against market power, and conniving segments of those with political power and conniving regulatory bodies/third party evaluators, including international firms. In her co-authored book 'The big con: how the consulting industry weakens our businesses, infantilizes our governments and warps our economies' published in 2023, noted economist Mariana Mazzucato pointed out with regard to misgivings of over-board outsourcing as 'The consulting industry today is not merely a helping hand; its advice and actions are not purely technical and neutral, facilitating a more effective functioning of society and reducing the 'transaction costs' of clients. It enables the actualization of a particular view of the economy that has created dysfunctions in government and business around the world. …What we call the Big Con is not about criminal activity. It describes the confidence trick the consulting industry performs in contracts with hollowed-out and timid governments and share-holder value-maximizing firms. These contracts enable the consulting industry to earn incomes that far exceed the actual value it provides – a form of 'economic rents', or 'income earned in excess of the reward corresponding to the contribution of a factor of production to value creation'. …While consulting is an old profession, the Big Con grew from the 1980s and 1990s in the wake of reforms by both the 'neoliberal' right and 'Third Way' progressives – on both sides of the political spectrum.' (To be continued) Copyright Business Recorder, 2025


Business Recorder
25-07-2025
- Business Recorder
Austerity, current account surplus, & economic resilience
Recently, the Prime Minister reportedly lauded economic performance with regard to country achieving current account surplus. In a developing country, which is facing gross external financing requirements on average of around $20 billion annually over the medium-term, and which is highly debt distressed this may be called a positive consequence for the economy, but only at the surface. Go any deeper, it spells more problems for the economy than it brings a happy news for, especially in terms of creating economic growth consequences and much-needed greater spending towards meeting sustainable development goals (SDGs), and overall, climate change-, and 'Pandemicene' phenomenon-related economic resilience. Moreover, overall balance of payments (BOP) – which is composed of current account, capital account, and financial account – remained in the negative anyways, with a deficit over FY25 standing at US$3.7 billion while the deficit, in fact, increased by $877 million from FY24. Hence, while reportedly the PM attributed this surplus to be 'Driven by record remittances, rising exports, and a laser focus on structural reforms…' none of the claims provides the needed stable foundations for this surplus which, during July-June 2024-25, stood at US$2.1 billion. Starting with exports, for June 2025, year-on-year (y-o-y) exports declined by US$81 million while y-o-y there was only a moderate increase in exports during July-June 2024-25, which stood at around US$1.4 billion. Workers' remittances during FY25 y-o-y while increased considerably by $8.1 billion, yet they nonetheless remain a very unreliable resources, given a world of polycrisis, especially the fast-unfolding climate change crisis creating very unstable consequences for economic growth globally, bringing in its wake a high-level of randomness, not to mention gains from a serious crackdown in recent years on indirect channels on capital flows may have already provided much of the increase, and in that sense future years at most may see only low-level to moderate increase in remittances. Structural reforms have remained the weakest link of the government's economic reform performance, and it is quite surprising that the PM has cited them as a leading source of improvement of current account surplus. Rather, more damage has been done to both domestic production, and exports through government's over-board austerity policies than any gains from marginal, and narrow-scoped structural reforms, both as outlined in the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) extended fund facility (EFF) programme that is currently being followed, and beyond as well. Moreover, the procyclical, and neoliberal nature of economic policy – both within and outside of the IMF programme – has limited the scope of overall much-needed economic reforms, which otherwise required much better rationalized role of public sector, and would have meant greater emphasis of reforms on improving (a) economic institutional quality – both in terms of governance and incentive structures (including regulation) – and underlying (b) organizational, and (c) market reforms. Hence, while the current account surplus remains on very unstable ground – not to mention that surplus anyways is not a favourable outcome for the country in any meaningful way, but more on this later in the article — overall balance of payments situation remains in deficit as indicated earlier, which means greater need for debt for an already highly debt distressed country, given a low level of foreign direct investment (FDI), which remains one of the most reliable sources for the economy in terms of bringing sustainable economic growth, among other positive consequences. As indicated, over-board austerity policy has meant that cost of capital has been at a high level, which in a developing country like Pakistan, whose exports, and overall economic growth, are significantly import-dependent, has meant that this has taken a heavy toll on both of them — while exports have only increased by around a paltry US$2 billion during the last fiscal year, economic growth has continued to hover over the last few years around the population growth rate of a little more than 2 percent on average. Moreover, lack of economic growth has negatively impacted domestic resource mobilization which, in turn, has negatively impacted domestic debt sustainability, lack of much increase in exports, low level of FDI has not even allowed reduction in overall BOP deficit of FY25 over FY24, which overall has meant a low level of build-up of foreign exchange reserves, when compared with the high external debt distress, and overall gross external financing needs. Last but not the least, Pakistan remains among the top-ten most climate change challenged countries in the world. In addition to the climate change-related goals in SDGs, it fares very poorly with regard to other goals, including poverty, disease, and education. This, in turn, means that the country needs to spend a lot more than it currently is doing, especially after spending a lot in terms of interest payments on debt, not to mention the fact that the lack of multilateral spirit has resulted in low level of multilateral finances, which puts all the more pressure on government to increase an otherwise low level of expenditure for increasing overall level of economic resilience. Current account surplus, achieved after a lot of austerity-caused economic growth sacrifice, has neither been able to produce positive consequences for macroeconomic, and economic institutional quality due to poor level of economic reforms, which have also meant that the country still has poor showing for exports, FDI, and overall BOP, nor has it allowed reaching fiscal space for making adequate expenditures towards enhancing otherwise poor level of economic resilience. (The writer holds PhD in Economics degree from the University of Barcelona, and previously worked at the International Monetary Fund. His contact on 'X' (formerly 'Twitter') is @omerjaved7) Copyright Business Recorder, 2025


Business Recorder
26-06-2025
- Business Recorder
Debt and climate — I
While geopolitical conflict has unfortunately taken centre-stage, it is in fact debt and climate that is among the most pressing challenges facing humanity. It is indeed not how future wars will be financed that should be the main focus, but how existing international law and multilateral institutions can be used, and augmented to evolve a global strategy to deal with the existential threat of climate change – and related 'Pandemicene' phenomenon – and dealing with an evolving global debt crisis, especially in developing countries. In this regard, an April 2025 Project Syndicate (PS) published article 'Climate action requires debt relief' pointed out: 'In February, the IMF estimated that nearly half of the lowest-income countries were at risk of debt distress, at which point they may no longer be able to meet their debt obligations. That number is expected to rise as conditions continue to deteriorate. Compounding the crisis, the world's poorest countries – especially small island developing states – are highly vulnerable to climate change and biodiversity loss. Extreme weather events like hurricanes, droughts, and floods can wipe out critical infrastructure and cripple agricultural production in an instant, while slower-onset changes like rising temperatures and shifting rainfall patterns require continuous and costly adaptation measures. The debt and climate crises are closely intertwined.' Debt distress, and climate change crisis require counter-cyclical policies, while what is being prescribed under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) austerity-based programmes is squeezing aggregate demand through raising policy rate, and cutting expenditure, where what gets slashed is mostly the very expenditure needed to reach Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) targets, climate related expenditures, and lack of revenues due to overall lack of economic growth, and lack of political will to go for meaningful broadening of tax base. Moreover, lack of economic institutional quality and very sub-optimal functioning markets means that productivity is overall low, which together with both high transaction costs and policy rate feed into lower domestic production, exports, and overall lower economic growth rate. So, lack of finance and poor economic institutional variables continue to keep developing countries like Pakistan into low-growth equilibrium. What is needed are counter-cyclical policies and non-neoliberal economic institutional reform, which can happen in an environment of appropriate level of economic independence at the country level, and a global multilateral framework that is much more sensitive to such needs as availability of greater climate finance, that is shifting the discussion from 'billions of dollars' to 'trillions of dollars' in view of the fact that around $4 trillion worth of climate-related expenditure is needed on a yearly basis to effectively change the fast-unfolding of global warming, and to enhance resilience. At the country level, in addition to greater domestic resource mobilization, and high level of exports – which once again means greater economic growth – such economic independence requires lesser gross financing needs, lower debt distress, and larger availability of multilateral financing; particularly medium-term allocation of IMF's special drawing rights to countries on the basis of needs, greater sovereign debt forgiveness, and approaching much-improved sovereign debt restructuring framework. Here, it needs to be clarified that unlike an unfortunate perception – unfortunate given in any case it is essential to deal with climate change crisis as it is an existential threat – among certain policy circles that climate-related initiative negatively impacts economic growth, a recent joint study by Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in fact, pointed out that climate change related initiative help avoid economic growth, which is likely to be lost by climate change crisis, and also overall expected to enhance economic growth. A March 2025 Guardian published article 'Tackling climate crisis will increase economic growth, OECD research finds' pointed out in this regard: 'Taking strong action to tackle the climate crisis will increase countries' economic growth, rather than damage their finances as critics of net zero policies have claimed, research from the world's economic watchdog has found. …By 2050, the most advanced economies would enjoy an increase of 60% in GDP per capita growth, while by the same date lower income countries would experience a 124 percent rise from 2025 levels. In the shorter term, there would also be benefits for developing countries, with 175 million people lifted out of poverty by the end of the decade, if governments invest in cutting emissions now. By contrast, a third of global GDP could be lost this century, if the climate crisis were allowed to run unchecked.' The upcoming '4th International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4) in Seville (Spain) provides an important opportunity in this regard, both because of its important agenda whereby 'the conference will address new and emerging issues, and the urgent need to fully implement the Sustainable Development Goals, and support reform of the international financial architecture', and especially given a lack of progress made under a number of similar platforms of discussion in recent history. Emphasising the importance of this conference, a June 10 PS published article 'A defining moment for global development finance?' pointed out: 'Rising uncertainty over the future of global trade and multilateralism is threatening to derail the long-term development agenda. But amid volatile markets and geopolitical tensions, the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4), in Seville, Spain, at the end of June must not be overlooked. FfD4 represents an opportunity to forge consensus on the policies and strategies required to finance inclusive and sustainable development, including climate action. The stakes have never been higher: access to affordable long-term financing that could improve the lives and futures of billions of people' Moreover, the argument advanced by noted economist, Jayati Ghosh, in her June 12, PS published article 'Can the Conference on Financing for Development Succeed?' provides some important guidelines on issues that should come under discussion, which is based on FfD4's own published report 'International Commission of Experts on Financing for Development': 'A key focus of the document is enabling greater domestic resource mobilization. An outdated international tax system and inadequate checks on illicit financial flows are a severe constraint on low- and middle-income countries' budgets. …More broadly, participants at the Seville summit must seek to address the lack of a global financial safety net. A first step could be to initiate regular allocations of the International Monetary Fund's reserve asset, special drawing rights. …But this is only the beginning. …It is time to embrace an entirely new model of 'global public investment,' with all countries contributing to the provision of shared public goods according to their means. This will require, for starters, fundamental reform of the IMF and the World Bank. Both institutions need to adopt a more countercyclical approach to lending. Moreover, they must stop linking loans to oppressive conditionalities that favour the interests of global capital over the well-being of people and the planet. In general, multilateral banks must increase their lending significantly to meet social, developmental, and climate needs, which in turn requires robust, reliable funding.' (To be continued) (The writer holds PhD in Economics degree from the University of Barcelona, and previously worked at the International Monetary Fund. His contact on 'X' (formerly 'Twitter') is @omerjaved7) Copyright Business Recorder, 2025