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10, 9, 8 . . . South Africa's slide into decline

10, 9, 8 . . . South Africa's slide into decline

IOL News2 days ago

THABO Mbeki endured eight days in September, a turbulent period in 2008 that led to his ousting as President of the Republic. With Jacob Zuma, it was the so-called nine wasted years, a presidency characterised by state capture and economic decline. For President Cyril Ramaphosa it was a case of ten minutes of shame, and it happened on the world stage.
The meeting between Ramaphosa and US President Donald Trump started well. It should have been a sign. When it is too good to be true, it probably isn't.
Ramaphosa must have been nervous but, for the first 20 minutes, he came across as relaxed, in control and, at times, even jovial. He had clearly learnt from the ill-fated encounter Volodymyr Zelenskyy had with Trump. In contrast to the Ukraine president, Ramaphosa, went out of his way to thank Trump and praise him. And then, about 20 minutes into the meeting, Trump asked for the lights to be dimmed. What followed was a video of Julius Malema addressing supporters.
In a voice that is now familiar to most South Africans, he chanted 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer' and spoke about expropriating land of white farmers without compensation.
The mood in the room changed. The chant was now exposed to a global audience. There was no context and, as a result, it came across as crude. Inciteful. Shameful. Ramaphosa wiped his face. He was probably hot in his suit and tie. There were also bright camera lights, and the room was packed with people. But those who study body language claim it could also be a sign of anxiety – perhaps a desire to wipe away a problem or stress.
But this problem was not going away. The chant was first uttered by Peter Mokaba, a former president of the ANC Youth League. He did so while addressing a rally following the murder of Chris Hani by right-wing whites. The chant has always been contentious. But the Equality Court found it did not constitute hate speech and should be protected as freedom of speech.
Afrikaner lobby group AfriForum did approach the Constitutional Court to appeal the matter, but the court found the application had no reasonable prospect of success. As a result, Malema cannot be arrested for singing the song, as suggested by Trump. Ramaphosa did point out that official government policy was completely against what Malema said. But what Ramaphosa didn't say was that neither he nor others in the ANC have done enough to distance themselves from the chant.
After the voice of Julius Malema, came another voice well known to most South Africans – Jacob Zuma. These days, he is the leader of the uMkhonto weSizwe Party. But not too long ago he was the leader of the ANC and President of the Republic. In the recordings played, he too had a go at white farmers.
When the video ended, US Vice President JD Vance handed his president a thick stack of pages that reportedly depicted the brutality of the attacks on white farmers.
The DA's John Steenhuisen, in his role as agriculture minister in Ramaphosa's executive, put up a spirited defence: 'They are both leaders of opposition minority parties,' he said.
'The reason my party, the DA, chose to join hands with Mr Ramaphosa's party was precisely to keep those people out of power. We cannot have these people sitting in the Union Buildings making decisions.'
But by then the world had realised that not all was well in South Africa. At best we are a violent bunch. At worst we are a racist nation. In those ten minutes, South Africa had been exposed. In his own unique rhetoric, Trump summed it up: 'There are many bad things happening in many countries, but this is very bad – very, very bad!'
It didn't matter whether Trump had the full facts or not. He had enough to paint a picture, and it wasn't a rosy one. Anyone wanting to visit the country or invest in it would have been forced to reconsider. Trump then invited three men he knew and clearly admired to say a few words.
They were businessman Johann Rupert and golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen. It was ironic that it took an American president to invite the men to speak because it was a courtesy their own government had not offered them – certainly not in recent years and not in public. Yet these were no ordinary men. Rupert is a celebrated businessman who is one of the richest people in South Africa. Els and Goosen are both masters at the game of golf.
The second irony was that while the voices of Malema and Zuma have become so well known, the voices of Rupert, Els and Goosen have rarely been heard in South Africa. Yet, they are the kind of people whose opinion should be sought and whose success we should emulate. It speaks to the society we have become. It is one where those who seek to antagonise and break apart become popular, while those who seek to build are ignored. It is a society that places credibility on those who shout the loudest and avoids those with integrity.
In this society, mediocrity is celebrated and merit shunned. It is no wonder then that South Africa finds itself in an economic mess. The economy is barely growing and certainly not at levels that will create meaningful jobs. For more than a decade and half the country has been sliding into economic decline. The projections for the coming year are dismal. Economic growth is projected at 1.4% with slight increases in 2026 and 2027 but nowhere near enough to create meaningful jobs for a growing population.
The solution to the problem emerged in the White House get together.
'We need more foreign investment in our country,' urged Cosatu president Zingiswa Losi.
"If the South African economy does not grow, the culture of lawlessness and dependency will grow,' said Rupert, mirroring the sentiments of organised labour.
It means that if our president wants to change the trajectory of economic growth, it cannot be more of the same. There are a few realities that must be acknowledged. No one will invest in a place where they must give away a chunk of a business they have nurtured. No one will invest in a country where they can't hire the best talent for the job. No one will put their money where the government can take away their land for nil compensation. And no one will invest in a place they don't feel safe in.
If the South African government is to change the fortunes of this country, it needs to ditch broad based black economic empowerment. People need to be hired on the basis on merit and not skin colour. Land expropriation without compensation needs to be reconsidered. Above all, South Africa needs to make investors feel safe. But the clock is ticking.
This Government of National Unity is at the end of their first year of a five-year term in office.
As Steenhuisen warned: 'This government, working together, needs the support of our allies around the world, to grow our economy and shut the door forever on that rabble.'
That 'rabble' is the EFF and MK. Combined they got one out of every four votes cast in the last general elections. If this government cannot improve the fortunes of ordinary South Africans, support for the so-called rabble will rise and Constitutional Democracy may be done for. Then, what Donald Trump thinks South Africa is, will become our reality.10, 9, 8, 7, 6 5, 4 …..

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ANC succession battle — the pros and cons of the top candidates vying for Ramaphosa's job
ANC succession battle — the pros and cons of the top candidates vying for Ramaphosa's job

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ANC succession battle — the pros and cons of the top candidates vying for Ramaphosa's job

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Gayton McKenzie should be relieved of his Cabinet position
Gayton McKenzie should be relieved of his Cabinet position

Daily Maverick

time5 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Gayton McKenzie should be relieved of his Cabinet position

While everyone was distracted by the spectacle in the Oval Office between Presidents Trump and Ramaphosa, Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture Gayton McKenzie was engaging in xenophobic outbursts, not as a campaigning Patriotic Alliance rabble-rouser but, in effect, asserting xenophobia as government policy. While addressing the chairpersons and CEOs of all Department of Sport, Arts and Culture entities – including museums, theatres and heritage and funding agencies, he launched into an attack on 'foreigners' in South Africa. He is quoted, inter alia, as saying: 'Some of you here [have] the audacity to hire foreigners instead of South Africans.'; 'I don't care how you used to do it. But for as long as I am the minister, there will be no foreigner that will work in an entity while a South African can do the same thing.'; He said that 'foreigners' employed by departments needed to be 'out in three weeks'. 'I said it, I want them out, get them out.' Leaving aside the inappropriate tone of engagement by a Cabinet Minister, it is the language of 'them' and 'us', threatening to divide and fomenting hate, which should disturb us all. In reporting by Marianne Thamm, we understand that, 'Daily Maverick has seen a letter dated 9 May from McKenzie to the chair and CEO of the Market Theatre following up on 'an audit' of 'non-South Africans employed by the various entities incorporated under the Department of Sport, Arts and Culture'. ' We need to fully understand how dangerous this kind of exercise of authority is from a man patently unfit to hold any leadership position. It beggars belief that he could have been considered for a Cabinet position. An 'all-in' GNU required this irksome compromise, it would seem. His Patriotic Alliance won eight seats in the National Assembly in last year's election, which represents 2.05% of the vote. 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There is a reason McKenzie initially expressed a desire for the Home Affairs portfolio. Constitutional rights undermined No one in the Cabinet seems to have raised an eyebrow at their colleague's most recent statements. The President himself has said and done nothing in response to McKenzie's comments, which a large grouping of civil society organisations has called, 'vulgar', in a statement released on 20 May. It further called the comments 'morally repugnant and entirely devoid of legal authority'. The civil society statement says that, 'His demand of CEOs that they immediately dismiss foreign employees or face dismissal themselves constitutes an egregious violation of South Africa's constitutional law, its labour laws and its international treaty obligations. South Africa's Constitution enshrines the rights of everyone – including foreign nationals – to fair labour practices. 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Operation Dudula brought with it violent language and has enticed those at the margins of our society. There is a straight line from where we are today back to 2008 and the painful moment when violence was unleashed against foreigners across our country. McKenzie doubles down Instead of being remorseful and attempting to understand the constitutional imperatives at play, McKenzie reinforced his comments during an interview with the Africa Report on 22 May while attending the South Africa-France Investment Conference at Place Vendôme in Paris. If the interview is anything to go by, one shudders to think what further contribution McKenzie made at this conference. Responding to the civil society statement, he said, ''Our people don't have jobs. We've got double-digit unemployment, youth unemployment in our country, but illegal foreigners have jobs. 'We cannot allow this and they can call me vulgar. What is vulgar? It's giving your neighbour children food, shelter, water, while your own children are starving. That is vulgar… 'I will get rid of illegal foreigners. I will close this type of charity because we need patriotic charities in our country. I will close down the charities that are anti-government, that are anti-South Africa.' McKenzie, like all populists, understands grievance. But he was greeted with cheers by attendees at the Paris conference while hugging and handshaking. During the same interview, he claimed he had 'Presidential aspirations'. So, President Ramaphosa needs to be clear about where this GNU stands on xenophobia and also the threats to 'close down' 'anti-government' charities (sic). What exactly does this mean? In the same interview, he specifically attacked the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, one of the civil society signatories to the statement mentioned above. There can be no ambiguity about the role of civil society in a democracy. It is not McKenzie's gift, but a constitutional right and the President of the country should reassert this as head of state of our constitutional democracy. Complex causes As with everything else in South Africa, the reasons for violence are complex. Sometimes it has been driven by xenophobia, at other times a rather more confusing cocktail of anger, frustration and intolerance bubbling at the surface of our society, fuelled by exclusion, poverty and rampant unemployment. We seem to be straining at the seams as the repercussions of deep inequalities, our inability to bring about structural economic transformation after 1994 and the old baggage of the apartheid years come to haunt us. The environment is ripe for blaming 'the other' while competing for scarce resources. At the heart of the incendiary rhetoric lies populist exploitation and an instinct to simplify the complex. This is not unique to South Africa. We have seen it in Donald Trump's presidency and the arguments for Brexit. Widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo has driven voters in small towns towards the politics McKenzie espouses. Our towns and municipalities, mostly falling apart as a result of ANC corruption and neglect, are ripe pickings for the Patriotic Alliance. Last week, the party won a seat off the ANC in the small town of Sutherland, and the ANC was able to hold off the PA in two other closely contested by-elections. Last week, we heard of xenophobic violence flaring up in Addo, with dire consequences. We should not be so distracted by historical clips of Julius Malema singing 'Kill the boer!' that we fail to see McKenzie and his ilk in plain sight. Our challenges require thoughtful leadership rooted in the Constitution, not McKenzie's brand of politics, which will only result in further corruption and hate. We can call on our hapless politicians to 'put an end' to the xenophobic violence, rhetoric and disruption that often accompanies these protests, but xenophobia is a challenge for the whole of our society. Having said this, however, President Ramaphosa needs to send a clear message against this thuggery and intimidation by one of his Cabinet ministers. The reality is that McKenzie has no place in government and his clownishly dangerous comments must be met with sanction. If our passive President does not act against McKenzie's threatening comments against civil society and his illegal pronouncements against government entities, then we must assume that these comments represent the GNU Ramaphosa leads. DM

SECOND group of white Afrikaner 'refugees' arrive in United States
SECOND group of white Afrikaner 'refugees' arrive in United States

The South African

time6 hours ago

  • The South African

SECOND group of white Afrikaner 'refugees' arrive in United States

A second group of white South African Afrikaners have reportedly arrived in the United States under a controversial refugee policy signed by President Donald Trump earlier this year, sparking renewed global debate over race, immigration, and political messaging. According to posts from the US-based advocacy group Amerikaners , nine white South Africans landed in Atlanta this week as part of a pilot programme framed by the Trump administration as a response to alleged violence and land expropriation in South Africa – claims widely discredited by international human rights organisations. The executive order, quietly signed in February, granted refugee status to select white South Africans, citing fears of a so-called 'white genocide' – a term critics say is rooted in white nationalist rhetoric rather than verified facts. Organisations like Human Rights Watch and Africa Check maintain that while farm attacks do occur, there is no evidence of systemic targeting along racial lines. Among the recent arrivals is Charl Kleinhaus, 46, from Mpumalanga, who told the BBC he left his home, family, and dogs behind to pursue what he called a 'safer future' for his children. Another, 48-year-old Errol Langton, a farmer from KwaZulu-Natal, expressed hope to continue farming in the US. A source within the US government told The Hill that the goal is to resettle 'thousands more' Afrikaners by the end of the American summer, with consular processing already being expedited in Pretoria and Cape Town. This rapid acceleration has raised red flags. Critics say the policy selectively elevates a racially privileged group while overlooking far greater humanitarian crises in conflict zones like Sudan, Yemen, or the DRC. Still, right-wing US commentators have praised the move as a humanitarian response. South African reactions, meanwhile, remain split: some see it as a lifeline; others as a dangerous and racially charged distortion of the country's reality. Both the US State Department and the South African government have declined to comment publicly on the numbers or long-term intentions of the refugee programme. Analysts warn it could become a flashpoint issue in both domestic and foreign policy – particularly as the US heads into the 2026 election cycle. For now, however, the quiet arrival of these Afrikaner families marks the start of a broader, more contentious immigration experiment – one unfolding at the intersection of politics, identity, and international diplomacy. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.

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