Look at India's top 5 massive naval warships, from INS Vikrant to INS Arihant, that can destroy Pakistan's missiles
India's naval power is fully equipped with advanced vessels which dominate the Arabian Sea.
These warships and submarines can play a major role in protecting India during the India Pakistan war.
1. INS Vikrant: Commissioned in 2022, INS Vikrant is India's first indigenously built aircraft carrier. It is equipped to launch MiG-29K fighter jets and advanced helicopters. Deployed in the Arabian Sea, INS Vikrant significantly enhances India's maritime strike capabilities along the western coastline and can be mobilized swiftly during critical operations.
2. INS Visakhapatnam: INS Visakhapatnam is among India's most advanced guided-missile destroyers. It has BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, Barak-8 air defense systems.
3. INS Arihant: Although INS Chakra has recently returned to Russia, India's fleet with other submarines like INS Arihant-class and the upcoming INS Arighat have nuclear-tipped ballistic missiles.
4. INS Kolkata: INS Kolkata is a versatile warship equipped with BrahMos missiles, and anti-submarine rockets. It can launch offensive strikes or defend carrier groups in conflict scenarios.
5. INS Karanj: INS Karanj is designed for operations in shallow waters, it is armed with Exocet missiles. It can carry out special operations, and anti-ship strikes.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India Today
3 hours ago
- India Today
BJP's Bihar playbook: Invisible RSS hand powers Modi's might
As Bihar inches closer to assembly elections, the BJP is scripting an all-encompassing narrative—one that stretches beyond electoral arithmetic and seeks to reconfigure the very grammar of the state's politics. It's a calibrated blend of nationalism, social justice, Hindutva and development, all wrapped in the charisma and authority of Prime Minister Narendra beneath this grand narrative lies a disciplined ideological machinery: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose invisible hand continues to shape the BJP's game in one of India's most politically complex emotional pivot of the campaign is nationalism, turbocharged by Operation Sindoor, India's military retaliation to the Pahalgam terror attack. The BJP has draped this operation in the colours of patriotism and turned it into a rallying cry for unity and Patna, on May 29, the streets turned saffron and steel. Cultural performances, replicas of BrahMos missiles, chants of 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai', and a curated spectacle of military pride set the stage for a seven-km-long roadshow by Modi. The following day, in Bikramganj in Rohtas district, the prime minister addressed a packed rally. His words, as always, were a blend of conviction and choreography. 'This is not the era of war,' Modi declared, pausing just long enough before adding, 'but this is also not the era of terrorism. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the guarantee for a better world.'advertisementThe audience erupted. Modi wasn't just talking national security—he was imprinting himself as the architect of India's decisive will. And he knew exactly where he was standing. Bihar is the new social laboratory for BJP, where it will test how its socialist deviation will react to the Hindutva and nationalism has visited Bihar twice in a month. In his playbook, followed over the past decade, he increases his footfall in poll-bound states while local units of the BJP and the Sangh mobilise the narrative around nationalism, development and Hindutva and the prime minister's appeal as a decisive is just one spoke in the BJP's electoral wheel. A more strategic, and in some ways surprising, manoeuvre has been its decision to embrace the demand for a national caste census. For years, the BJP had steered cautiously around the issue, mindful of its upper-caste base and wary of letting the Mandal-era anxieties creep Bihar's electoral terrain leaves no room for hesitation. By formally backing caste enumeration within the upcoming census, the BJP has signalled its intent to reclaim the narrative of social justice from caste-based parties, such as the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United), and the likes of Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), Vikassheel Insaan Party and Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular).advertisementThis pivot is not ideological backtracking—it's tactical evolution. Party leaders frame the census move as 'data for dignity'. The idea is to address longstanding demands of representation and welfare, while positioning the BJP as a party that listens and adapts. What's more, this shift allows the party to blur the rigid backward vs forward caste binary that has long defined Bihar the BJP's new storyline, caste is acknowledged, but harmonised under a larger umbrella: national progress and Hindu unity. In previous elections, caste-based outfits tried to push back the BJP as a party of upper castes, who resist social justice and reservations. Now, in Bihar, the BJP will build the narrative that it's a party of all broader ideological integration is being quietly orchestrated by the RSS, which has intensified its grassroots work across Bihar. Shakhas have grown in number. Pracharaks are embedded deep in rural districts, especially in caste-sensitive regions like Mithila, Magadh and Seemanchal. The Sangh's volunteers are engaging in nuanced caste dialogues, mapping booth-level dynamics and subtly pushing a narrative of 'samrasta'—harmony among Hindus of all earlier times, when Hindutva was more loudly proclaimed, the current model is calibrated, understated, yet expansive. The Sangh doesn't want Hindutva to be merely identified with a party. It wants it to be seen as a broader social and cultural movement, one that survives political Maharashtra model is instructive here. When Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena—once the most vocal proponent of Hindutva—broke ranks and joined hands with the Congress and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), the RSS didn't flinch. 'Ideological alignment is not the same as ideological ownership,' a senior Sangh functionary noted. And when the alliance shifted, so did the loyalties on the followed in Maharashtra was telling: the Sangh quietly realigned ground-level loyalties, undercut the Thackeray-led Sena, and reinforced the BJP's base with surgical precision. In Bihar, a similar template is being pursued. The goal is to promote a subtle but overarching Hindutva, one that integrates with social justice rather than clashes with it, and one that builds lasting loyalty beyond the election this ideological work is the legislative push that the BJP hopes will activate its core base—amendments to the Waqf laws. Framed as a step to democratise and bring transparency to the management of Waqf properties, the BJP claims it will benefit poor Muslims who have long been excluded from institutional control. Critics call it divisive. But in Bihar's political soil, where identity and property are intertwined, the BJP's messaging finds fertile ground: fairness over appeasement, accountability over then, there is development—still the most resonant theme in Modi's repertoire. Every speech, every rally, every government press release has invoked the 'double-engine sarkar'. Bihar, says Modi, has potential but needs 'infrastructure with intent'. During his recent visit, he inaugurated the new terminal at Patna airport, laid the foundation for the Bihta civil enclave, and flagged off infrastructure projects connecting AIIMS and Danapur. All this was not just ribbon-cutting; it was branding. Modi as 'Vikas Purush', as Bihar's party knows, however, that projecting development alone is not enough in a state where unemployment and rural distress still linger. Which is why every infrastructure headline is paired with outreach narratives: that central schemes like PM Awas, Ujjwala and Ayushman Bharat have changed lives. That these are not just policies but personal guarantees delivered by Modi. The BJP's messaging aims to blur the line between state and Centre, between ideology and the BJP may go into the Bihar polls without projecting a chief ministerial face, much like it did in Maharashtra. There, the absence of a declared chief minister helped the party sidestep factionalism and keep the campaign Modi-centric. In Bihar, the move is even more strategic—it helps the BJP escape anti-incumbency linked to chief minister Nitish Kumar, whose popularity has waned even among traditional supporters. Without tying itself to Nitish's record, the BJP retains flexibility: it can criticise his failures while promising continuity where decision also dovetails with the Sangh's longer-term view. The RSS isn't just focused on winning an election—it is focused on embedding ideological permanence, especially in a state as politically fluid as Bihar. With the BJP keeping the chief ministerial post open and the Sangh engineering caste recalibration on the ground, the idea is to institutionalise a cultural emerges, then, is a campaign that is less about a single masterstroke and more about a grand orchestration—a symphony of nationalism, cultural consolidation, data-led social justice, and Brand Modi. The BJP is not merely contesting an election in Bihar; it is attempting to rewrite the coordinates of how politics is done in the this strategy culminates in a clear electoral mandate will be decided in the final arithmetic of the ballot. But the BJP's ambition is larger than a simple win. It wants to leave behind a political structure in Bihar that speaks its language—long after the ballots have been to India Today MagazineMust Watch
India.com
3 hours ago
- India.com
Not Brahmos, Akash or Trisul, India's first indigenously developed ballistic missile is named..., its range is...
Prithvi missile launch- File image India's first indigenously developed ballistic missile: During the recent India-Pakistan tensions, India used its much talked about BrahMos supersonic missile killing more than a hundred terrorists across nine terror camps of Pakistan and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. While the Indo-Russian collaborated supersonic BrahMos missile grabbed all the attention, there are some historic ballistic missile systems of India that need a mention. This article is about the first indigenously developed ballistic missile of India, which started its service in 1994. Here are all the details you need to know about the historic missile. About Prithvi missile system The Prithvi missile is a tactical short range surface to surface ballistic missile which is in service from 1994. Deployed by the Strategic Forces Command, the missile has been developed by DRDO. It has three variants which give a range from 150–750 km with an accuracy ranging from <10 m CEP to 50 m CEP. Readers should note that Prithvi I was the first ballistic missile to be developed and tested with its first successful flight test PE-01 conducted on February 8, 1988. India's first indigenously developed ballistic missile The Prithvi missile, known as India's first indigenously developed ballistic missile was produced under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Program(IGMDP). More notably, the famous missile project of India encompassed developing three variants for use by the Indian Army, Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy. Prithvi missile system: Variant details Prithvi I (SS-150) – It is the Army version of the missile with a range of 150 km and a payload of 1,000 kgs. Prithvi II (SS-250) – It is the Air Force version of the missile with a range of 350 km and a payload of 500 kgs. Prithvi III (SS-350) – It is the Naval version of the missile with a range of 350 km and a payload of 1,000 kgs. Dr APJ Abdul Kalam and Prithvi missile In another significant mention, Former President of India, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam played a key role in the overall development and operationalization of both the Agni and Prithvi missiles.
India.com
6 hours ago
- India.com
Meet Agni-5 missile: Nuclear capable weapon, 7000km range, Pakistan, China afraid of this due to..., one missile and....
The Agni-5 ICBM has a range of over 7000 km. (File) Agni-5 missile: India's 'Brahmastra', the BrahMos missile, brought Pakistan to its knees during Operation Sindoor, as the homegrown medium-range cruise missile devastated Pakistani military infrastructure, including key airbases, while the enemy's air defence system proved to be nothing more than a helpless spectator. With its performance in the recent India-Pakistan clash, BrahMos has proven itself as a formidable weapon of war. But apart from BrahMos, there's a much more lethal weapon in India's arsenal which is feared by Pakistan and even China. The weapon we are talking about is the Agni-5 missile, a nuclear capable ICBM with an range of 5,000 km that can be extended to nearly 7,000 km if required. Agin-5 – India's 'deadliest' missile Designed and developed by India's Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), the Agni-5 missile is a land-based nuclear MIRV-capable Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) boasting a range of over 7,000 kilometers, which means that the missile can even strike deep inside the Chinese mainland. The advanced ICBM is capable of flying at speeds of up to 29,400 km/hour, making it one of the fastest missiles in the world, and can strike virtually any target in Asia and beyond within a matter of minutes. The Agni-5 missile, dubbed by many as the the 'Mahastra' of India's missile arsenal, is the country's longest range ICBM with a with a payload capacity of around 50-56 tonnes, and the capability to carry a 1.5 tonne (1500 kg) nuclear or conventional warhead. Recently, the Agni V missile was equipped with Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) technology under Mission Divyastra, giving it the capability to strike multiple targets simultaneously by carrying multiple warheads. The Agni-5 ICBM employs multiple navigation systems, including GPS, NavIC, and the onboard micro navigation system to reach its target, and is powered by solid fuel, making it quicker to launch compared to liquid-fueled missiles. Weighing 17 tonnes, and measuring 17 meters in length, the Agni-5 is always an imposing sight when its paraded through national capital Delhi during the annual Republic Day parade. How Agni-5 gives India strategic edge in South Asia But beyond its imposing presence, the Agni-5 missile provides a strategic edge to India in South Asia, particularly the Indian Subcontinent, as both Pakistan and China know that this lethal ICBM can strike deep within their countries in a war scenario. Notably, Chinese experts believe India has deliberately understated the actual range of Agni-5 ICBM to prevent international oversight. They claim that the missile's actual range could be more than 8,000 kilometers. In contrast, Shaheen-3, Pakistan's longest-range missile has a range of just 2,750 kilometers, and while China's Dongfeng-41 missile may have a longer range, the recent integration of MIRV technology makes the Agni-5 missile a much more formidable option than any missile in Beijing's arsenal.
