logo
Waiting For A Promotion? In Chhattisgarh Department, 11 Dead People Got One

Waiting For A Promotion? In Chhattisgarh Department, 11 Dead People Got One

NDTV27-06-2025
Some people spend years waiting for a promotion, doing everything they can to be eligible for one: from working long hours to being extra nice to the boss.
But here, the dead have been promoted, with - obviously - no effort on their part.
A recruitment scam has surfaced in Chhattisgarh's Tribal Welfare Department, where not only were more candidates appointed than advertised, but 11 dead employees also got promotions, 10 years after the initial recruitment process.
In 2013, the Tribal Welfare Department advertised 559 vacancies for Class IV positions, but ended up appointing 605 candidates. According to the terms, newly hired employees were to be paid a collector-grade salary only after three years of employment. However, from the very first day, they began receiving a sum of Rs 10,890 per month instead of the Rs 4,943 they were entitled to.
It took 16 months before officials noticed the irregularities, and the state had already suffered a loss of over Rs 5.7 crore by then.
A decade later, when the department moved to regularise the employees, 11 of those listed had already died, but their names appeared in the promotion list. These included: Phulkumari - Died: May 22, 2021; Ganesh Ram - Died: November 18, 2016; Parakhit Kumar - Died: September 11, 2017; Champa Chauhan - Died: December 2, 2018; Rakesh Sidar - Died: May 2019; Gulab Banjare - Died: April 19, 2021; Ajit Toppo - Died: July 5, 2017; Sitaram Rathia - Died: February 17, 2020; Rekha Sidar - Died: February 7, 2021; Jitendra Sidar - Died: October 7, 2020; Dayaram - Died: July 7, 2018.
Following a complaint, the department launched an internal investigation that confirmed several discrepancies. As a result, Raigarh's then Assistant Commissioner, Avinash Shrivas, was suspended. However, no further action was taken, and the case was put in cold storage until it was raised in the state Assembly. This prompted a second investigation order on April 9 this year.
The Congress has accused the BJP of institutionalised corruption. "The recruitment process took place under the BJP government. Complaints at the time have now been proven. The BJP's main business is give-and-take deals," said Congress Spokesperson Dhananjay Thakur.
The BJP, however, dismissed the incident as a clerical mistake. "This is not corruption, just a human error. The government has acted as soon as it came to light," said BJP Spokesperson Rajiv Chakraborty.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Some don't agree to share power': DK Shivakumar's cryptic remark at Congress event
‘Some don't agree to share power': DK Shivakumar's cryptic remark at Congress event

Hindustan Times

time20 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

‘Some don't agree to share power': DK Shivakumar's cryptic remark at Congress event

Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar on Sunday highlighted the importance of political sacrifice and power-sharing and how leaders nowadays are reluctant to do the same. Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah with Deputy CM and state Congress President D K Shivakumar(PTI) Though Shivakumar didn't name anyone, his remarks have reignited speculation about a rift with Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah over a rotational chief ministership – a deal the latter firmly denied. Speaking at the AICC-organised event titled 'Constitutional Challenges' in Delhi on Sunday, Shivakumar lauded the Gandhi family's contributions to the party and praised Sonia Gandhi's decision to not assume the post of Prime Minister in 2004. 'When Sonia Gandhi was asked by the President to take oath as the Prime Minister, she said, 'For me, power is not important.' She decided that a Sikh, a minority, and an economist could save the country and should become the Prime Minister,' Shivakumar said, calling it an unparalleled act of political sacrifice. In an apparent dig at leaders unwilling to step aside, he added: 'Has anyone in such a big democracy made such a sacrifice? Does anyone even sacrifice a small position today? Some MLAs and ministers share power, but some of us don't even agree to share power. Even at the panchayat level, many don't.' Earlier last month, chief minister Siddaramaiah had dismissed speculation of a mid-term leadership change, asserting he would complete the full five-year term. 'Am I not sitting here as the Chief Minister? Where is the vacancy?' Siddaramaiah said in New Delhi. 'DK Shivakumar himself has clarified this, and I'm saying the same, there's no vacancy for the CM post,' he had said. His statement was seen as a clear attempt to shut down persistent talk of Shivakumar being elevated to the top post in the latter half of the government's term. 'Congress's history is India's history' In his concluding remarks at the Delhi event, the deputy CM further talked about the grand old party's legacy and the Gandhi family's role in maintaining unity within the organisation. 'Congress's history is the country's history. The Gandhi family has kept the Congress Party united, and the Congress Party has kept the country united,' he said, according to an official party release.

Congress and the OBCs
Congress and the OBCs

Indian Express

time20 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Congress and the OBCs

Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi last month admitted that the Congress had 'fallen short' in its relationship with Other Backward Classes (OBCs), which allowed the BJP to build political support among these communities. 'I do feel that when it came to OBCs, the Congress party's understanding of their issues, the challenges they were facing and the type of actions that the party should have and could have taken, we fell short,' Rahul said at a gathering of his party's MPs and Telangana leadership on July 24. 'We opened the space for the BJP because we were not responsive to the aspirations, to the desires of the OBCs,' he said. Rahul was not wrong. Congress has indeed missed several opportunities to reach out to these castes. It has also failed to claim credit for policy changes with regard to OBCs that were, in fact, initiated by Congress governments. Here's a short history. Inaction on Kalelkar report The clamour for greater political representation for the backward classes, as well as demands for reservation for these communities on the lines of the quotas in government jobs for the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), began soon after Independence. In 1953, the government of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru set up the first Backward Classes Commission under Rajya Sabha member Dattatreya Balkrishna Kalelkar, popularly known as 'Kaka' Kalelkar. The Kalelkar Commission report, submitted to the government on March 30, 1955, formulated criteria for identifying socially and educationally backward classes, and made several recommendations for their uplift. These included a caste census in 1961 that was to be advanced to 1957, treating all women as a class as 'backward', and reserving 70% seats in technical and professional institutions for qualified students from backward classes. The recommendations were, however, not unanimous, and three of the members were opposed to the acceptance of caste as a criterion for social backwardness and reservation in government jobs. Kalelkar himself wrote a long letter to President Rajendra Prasad expressing his disagreement on a number of issues. The report was tabled before both houses of Parliament but never discussed. Nehru's government did not implement it. First quota for OBCs Meanwhile, OBCs in the Hindi heartland had already begun to move towards the socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia. Until Lohia's untimely demise in 1967, his anti-Congress politics was powered by these communities. By the 1970s, OBC politics had gained significant momentum to pressure state governments to take decisions regarding OBC reservation. For instance, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna in October 1975 appointed the Most Backward Classes Commission under the chairmanship of Chhedi Lal Sathi. This first push for an OBC quota in UP came under a Congress government. And it was another Congress government, of Chief Minister N D Tiwari, that the state cabinet announced a 15% quota in government jobs for OBCs in UP, in April 1977. Within a week of this decision, however, Tiwari's government was dismissed by the Janata Party government of Prime Minister Morarji Desai that had routed the Congress in the Hindi heartland in the post-Emergency elections of March 1977. As a result, it was the Janata government in UP, led by Ram Naresh Yadav, which ultimately implemented the OBC quota — and also took the credit for it. The Mandal challenge In 1978, Prime Minister Desai constituted a new commission for the OBCs. The Second OBC Commission, headed by former Bihar Chief Minister B P Mandal, submitted its report to the government on December 31, 1980. By this time, the Congress under Indira Gandhi was back in power. Over the next nine years, however, neither Indira nor her son and successor Rajiv Gandhi implemented the Mandal Commission report, which recommended a 27% quota for OBCs in central government jobs and public universities. It was only in 1990, that the government of Prime Minister V P Singh announced its intention to implement the report, unleashing a wave of OBC assertion and fundamentally altering the politics of North India — to the Congress' detriment. In his 2006 biography of V P Singh, Manzil Se Zyada Safar, Ram Bahadur Rai quoted the former PM as having said: 'Congress leaders were obsessed with power equations. They were least concerned with the social equations and changes taking place… and thus unable to read the Mandal phenomenon.' The BJP, at that time still considered a largely Brahmin-Bania party, however, was far more flexible. For instance, it projected OBC leaders such as Kalyan Singh, a Lodh Rajput, in UP, to counter Mulayam. As Mulayam's support base outside the Samajwadi Party's Yadav-Muslim core started to fragment, Kalyan rallied smaller OBC communities behind the BJP, eventually forging a non-Yadav OBC vote bank. The BJP would eventually revamp its leadership at every level to accommodate OBCs politically. This was crucial from the late 1990s onwards, as the Panchayat Raj Act and reservation of seats in every level of three-tier rural and urban panchayats, provided an avenue for many OBC leaders to emerge from the grassroots. This was even as Congress' organisation continued to erode, and struggled to truly accommodate OBC politics. In UPA years In 2006, Union Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh pushed through 27% reservation for OBCs in admissions to central educational institutions, which had been pending since the implementation of the Mandal report. This was one of the biggest decisions in favour of OBCs, and a defining moment in OBC politics — but hardly any political gains accrued to the Congress. In 2010, the UPA-2 government tried to move for a caste census. Then Law Minister Veerappa Moily wrote to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about collecting caste/ community data in Census 2011. But Home Minister P Chidambaram opposed the decision in Lok Sabha. Singh's government ultimately decided to conduct a full Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) instead. The SECC data was published in 2016 but remains unavailable today. The Narendra Modi government has said it is 'not reliable'. This means that seven decades after the Kalelkar Commission recommended a caste census, there is still no precise estimate of India's OBC population. Rahul Gandhi's push for a caste census in recent years is an acceptance of the many missed opportunities during decades of Congress rule in the past, and a realignment of the party's politics with a view of taking on the BJP.

BJP faces Sangh parivar heat over release of nuns from Chhattisgarh jail
BJP faces Sangh parivar heat over release of nuns from Chhattisgarh jail

New Indian Express

time20 minutes ago

  • New Indian Express

BJP faces Sangh parivar heat over release of nuns from Chhattisgarh jail

KOZHIKODE: In a major embarrassment to the BJP leadership, strong reactions are pouring in from senior Sangh parivar leaders against the way the party handled the issue related to Chhattisgarh police's arrest of two Malayali nuns for alleged forcible conversion and human trafficking. What irked them is Kerala BJP leadership's posture that their intervention had helped the nuns get bail. The nuns were arrested on July 25 after the intervention of Bajrang Dal workers and were granted bail by the NIA court in Bilaspur on Saturday. BJP state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar was active in the efforts to get them released from jail. 'We don't need police and courts. Political leaders who anticipate votes will decide as to who the culprits are,' Swami Chidananda Puri, founder of the Advaita Ashram in Kolathur, near Kozhikode, said in a Facebook post. Expressing dismay, Hindu Aikya Vedi leader K P Sasikala said withdrawing cases and concluding legal procedure amounted to insulting the legal system. Taking to Facebook, she said there were no godfathers when cases were slapped on leaders including her during the Sabarimala agitations. People like S J R Kumar, T P Senkumar, K Surendran and K S Radhakrishnan faced around one thousand cases at the time, she said. 'We didn't approach anyone to withdraw the cases and will not do so in future too,' Sasikala said. Senkumar, a former state police chief, was more sarcastic in his remark. 'It was the Herculean task of Kerala BJP president Rajeev Chandrasekhar and his team that fetched bail for the nuns. We can expect their help in getting the case quashed,' he wrote on Facebook.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store