Man charged with vandalising Taoiseach's office in Cork further remanded on bail
Sergeant Chris Cahil charged Thomas Heising, of Frankfield Terrace, Summerhill South, Cork, with causing criminal damage.
On Monday, Sergeant John Kelleher said directions had come from the Director of Public Prosecutions that the case could be dealt with summarily at Cork District Court.
An outline of the allegations in the case was then given by the sergeant so Judge Mary Dorgan could decide if she would accept jurisdiction to deal with the case at Cork District Court.
Sgt Kelleher said it was alleged that: 'Spray paint was used to deface the front of the building with a number of slogans/phrases in respect of the ongoing Israeli/Palestinian conflict.
'The cost of the damage is being assessed but is understood to be in the region of €1,000,' Sgt Kelleher said.
On hearing this outline, Judge Dorgan said she would accept jurisdiction to deal with the case at Cork District Court.
Shane Collins-Daly, solicitor, applied for a copy of the prosecution evidence so the defence could decide if a plea of guilty or not guilty would be entered to the criminal damage charge.
Judge Dorgan adjourned the case until October 6 for that purpose, and the accused was remanded on continuing bail.
Bail conditions require him to sign on twice weekly at Anglesea Street Garda Station between the hours of 9am and 9pm, reside at the Summerhill South address, and stay away from the environs of the constituency office of Micheál Martin, at 137 Evergreen Road, Turner's Cross, Cork.
He is also required to have no contact, direct or indirect, including on social medial platforms, with Mr Martin, or any staff members of the constituency office, and engage in no commentary, including on social media platforms, in respect of matters before the court.
These were the conditions required by the prosecution. Mr Collins-Daly said the accused man agreed to all of these conditions.
The charge states that: 'On May 27, at 137 Evergreen Road, Turner's Cross, Cork, he did without lawful excuse damage property, to wit, the walls, door and windowsill of 137 Evergreen Road, intending to damage such property or being reckless as to whether such property would be damaged, contrary to Section 2(1) of the Criminal Damage Act, 1991.'
Read More
Man charged with vandalising Taoiseach's office in Cork released on bail
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Irish Examiner
3 hours ago
- Irish Examiner
Colin Sheridan: ICC justice for Netanyahu? Maybe not — but the arrest warrant still changes everything
In school, most of us learned about The Hague the way one learns about algebra or Shakespeare — with begrudging reverence. A solemn Dutch city, home to two of the most formidable-sounding institutions ever cooked up by the sober minds of the post-Second World War West — the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). One for disputes between states. The other for the monsters among us — war criminals, genocidaires, and heads of state with more skeletons than mistresses. But lately, those halls of justice have grown quiet. The problem isn't just that people have stopped listening to the verdicts. It's as if they've stopped pretending to care at all. If all the courts can do is issue warrants nobody will enforce, then what is the point? Last year, the ICC's chief prosecutor, Karim Khan, requested arrest warrants for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and defence minister Yoav Gallant. Charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, tied to Israel's genocide in Gaza. We know by now who said what, but it's instructive to go back in time a little, and learn that none of what we heard came as a surprise. In March 2021, the ICC formally launched an investigation into alleged violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, covering actions by Israel and Hamas dating back to 2014. The investigation focused on alleged war crimes in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. The announcement triggered strong, sharply divided reactions from governments, human rights organisations, and legal observers. Israel, unsurprisingly, strongly condemned the ICC's decision. Netanyahu called it 'the essence of anti-Semitism and hypocrisy', further citing that the ICC had no jurisdiction, as Israel is not a party to the Rome Statute (the founding treaty of the ICC), and that Palestine, in Israel's view, is not a sovereign state capable of delegating jurisdiction. The Israeli government doubled down, vowing to protect its military personnel and refuse co-operation. The Palestinian Authority (the much-maligned Fatah-controlled government body that exercises partial civil control over the Palestinian enclaves in the Israeli-occupied West Bank) welcomed the decision as a long-awaited step toward justice, calling it 'a historic day for the principle of accountability'. It viewed it as international recognition of its right to seek legal redress for Israeli actions. The International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands. Two decades on, the court has handed down just five convictions for core crimes. Most of those were against African warlords. Picture: AP The US, under the Biden administration at that point, strongly opposed the ICC investigation. Then US secretary of state Antony Blinken said: 'We firmly oppose and are deeply disappointed by the ICC prosecutor's announcement.' Washington took the opportunity to reaffirm its support for Israel's right to 'self-defence' and echoed concerns over jurisdiction. So, although president Biden had lifted Trump-era sanctions on the ICC, the administration remained hostile to this investigation. In Europe, reactions ranged from the technical (Germany and Hungary opposed on jurisdictional grounds) to tentative support (France and Belgium respected the court's independence, even if they had concerns). It is important to note that the 2021 investigation pre-dated October 2023 by over two years, and while no arrest warrants were issued at that point, it marked a turning point in international law regarding how Israel would be treated in its ongoing occupation of Palestine, and its military operations therin. In essence, the reactions in 2021were just an appetiser for those that followed the May 2024 decision that 'there were reasonable grounds' to believe Netanyahu, Gallant, and several Hamas officials had committed international crimes since October 7. On that basis, the court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu, Gallant, and Hamas commander Mohammed Deif (later withdrawn after reports of his death). Israel, if it were so inclined to take heed, had been warned by the ICC in 2021. It ploughed on regardless. Today, in August 2025, Netanyahu isn't in a holding cell. Neither is Vladimir Putin, who had his own ICC warrant slapped on his name last year. Sudan's Omar al-Bashir evaded capture for over a decade despite indictments and a passport that read like a serial offender's travel diary. The ICC shouts into the void, and the void responds with billions of dollars of military aid and state dinners. So what went wrong? Or perhaps more honestly, was it ever really right? The roots of these courts are noble, born from the most ignoble chapters of human history. After the unthinkable horrors of the Holocaust, the international community collectively said 'never again'. The Nuremberg Trials in 1945 introduced the novel idea that even heads of state could be held accountable. The precedent gave rise to the ICJ in 1945, the UN's 'principal judicial organ', meant to settle disputes between countries. Think of it as marriage counselling for nations with nuclear weapons. Then, in 2002, came the ICC — a separate body entirely. Born of the Rome Statute, it was designed to prosecute individuals for four core crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the elusive crime of aggression, which sounds like something out of a philosophy exam paper. The ICC was supposed to be the last line of defence for victims when national courts were unwilling or unable to act. A legal lighthouse amid stormy seas. But there were always caveats. Big ones. The US, China, and Russia never ratified the Rome Statute. Israel signed it but later 'unsigned' it — an act that should be impossible, but like many things in geopolitics, defies logic. Without these major players on board, the ICC became a court with jurisdiction over everyone except the people most likely to ignore it. So, how is the ICC doing two decades on? It has handed down just five convictions for core crimes. Most of those were against African warlords. Critics have long accused the court of selective justice, a phrase that sounds like something from a dystopian menu: 'Would you like your international law with or without hypocrisy?' Emergency services personnel work to extinguish a fire following a Russian attack in the Kharkiv region of Ukraine. Picture: Ukrainian Emergency Service via AP Meanwhile, the ICJ, for its part, has presided over more than 180 disputes, many of them relating to maritime boundaries. It has done admirable work in the dry, academic realm of state-to-state conflict resolution. But unlike the ICC, the ICJ can't issue arrest warrants or hold individuals responsible. It depends on voluntary compliance. That's a bit like having a referee at a boxing match who can only politely ask you to stop punching. Despite their apparent impotence, there is an argument that if neither court existed, you'd invent them both tomorrow. 'Both the ICJ and ICC have major political impact, that perhaps supersedes any ability it lacks to follow through on arrest warrants,' argues Maryam Jamshidi, an associate professor of law at the University of Colorado Law School. 'The legal arguments the ICJ and ICC are making remain the most effective way to shut down any discussion that what Israel is doing is anything other than war crimes.' There is huge symbolism, too, in those who are bringing the cases to the courts, and those who are rejecting them. 'The construct of contemporary international law is, in and of itself, very much a product of the West and Western interests. But over time, especially since decolonisation after the Second World War, the Global South has asserted its role and place in holding actors accountable. 'This moment — with Israel's crimes in Palestine front and centre — is a moment that the Global South is shaping. It is holding a mirror to the West. How we think about genocide, how we think about occupation and colonisation. That is incredibly important. If international law is to have a future, the Global South needs to continue to lead the way, because the Global South understands better than anyone.' Last year, ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan requested arrest warrants for Israel's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and defence minister Yoav Gallant. Picture: AP So here we are. Two international courts, plenty of legal muscle on paper, but little in the way of teeth when it comes to the powerful. They can indict. They can admonish. But increasingly, they cannot compel. 'Yes,' Jamshidi agrees, 'but the courts are a critical weapon in a wider ideological war. They use sound legal arguments to shape the narrative and apply political pressure. The most significant aspect of the ICC warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant was that they were the first issued for 'Western' leaders. That's not nothing.' Power has shifted. The UN Security Council, still stuck in 1945 with its five permanent members, can't agree on lunch, never mind accountability. Multipolarity has returned, and with it, a jostling of narratives. Everyone's got a skeleton to show, and no one wants to open the closet. And yet, the need for justice hasn't disappeared. If anything, it's more acute. In Gaza, in Sudan, in Ukraine, in Myanmar, real people continue to pay the price for the hubris and avarice of their leaders. The legal frameworks exist. The moral arguments are clear. But the enforcement mechanisms are laughably absent. What's next? So what comes next? Some argue for regional courts — African, Asian, or European criminal tribunals, more culturally and politically embedded, less burdened by the Global North-South mistrust. Others speak of truth and reconciliation commissions, like those pioneered in South Africa, which trade prosecution for collective healing. There's also the tech-utopian fantasy: AI-driven evidence collection, blockchain-protected war crime registries, crowdsourced justice via global citizen tribunals. But these ideas, while shiny, are fraught with their own dangers and easily co-opted. Realistically, what we may see is a shift toward informal legitimacy over formal legality. Sanctions, visa bans, public shaming, asset freezes — none of these are justice in the Nuremberg sense, but they may be the closest we get in a world where power trumps process. Perhaps, too, we must rethink what justice looks like. Less about punishment, more about prevention. Less about dragging leaders to The Hague, more about making it politically impossible for them to commit atrocities in the first place. That's a long road. It involves education, diplomacy, and strengthening domestic institutions. But then, so did the building of these courts. What, then, will we teach our children? There's a bench in The Hague. It sits silently beneath a row of flags and beside the empty dock where tyrants are supposed to face their reckoning. Today, it feels like theatre — well-meaning theatre, perhaps, but theatre all the same. A performance of justice rather than its practice. And yet, something nags at the conscience. That small, stubborn belief that laws matter. That truth has weight. That even in an age of polarisation and propaganda, the idea of accountability shouldn't die so easily. Maybe the ICC is failing. Maybe the ICJ is ignored. But the alternative isn't attractive, and perhaps, as Jamshidi argues, the symbolism of its rulings and the discomfort those rulings impart outweigh the futility of its warrants.
The Journal
5 hours ago
- The Journal
‘They just want to bury him': West Bank village devastated as Israel holds onto body of slain activist
IN THE VILLAGE of Umm al-Khair, a small community nestled in the south Hebron hills of the Palestinian West Bank, locals are unable to mourn the death of a young father. The village, facing encroachment from dozens of illegal Israeli settlers backed by police and bulldozers, was rocked by a killing on Monday that has left residents reeling and isolated. Awdah Hathaleen, a 31-year-old teacher, father-of-three and local community leader, was standing by a fence in the Umm al-Khair community centre when he was shot in the chest by an Israeli settler. An Israeli settler just shot Odeh Hadalin in the lungs, a remarkable activist who helped us film No Other Land in Masafer Yatta. Residents identified Yinon Levi, sanctioned by the EU and US, as the shooter. This is him in the video firing like crazy. — Yuval Abraham יובל אברהם (@yuval_abraham) July 28, 2025 Hathaleen fell to the ground as people rushed over to try to help him. An ambulance then came from the nearby illegal Israeli settlement of Carmel and took him to the Soroka Medical Centre in Be'er Sheva, where he was pronounced dead on arrival. After the shooting, Israeli authorities declared Umm al-Khair and its surroundings a closed military zone, sealing off all access. Umm al-Khair is one of many Palestinian communities in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, where some three million Palestinians live alongside roughly 500,000 Israeli settlers. All settlements in the territory, occupied since 1967, are considered illegal under international law. Awdah's body has not been returned to his family for burial, a delay residents say violates Islamic customs and has added to the community's distress. His brother revealed that several community members have begun a hunger strike, protesting the Israeli authorities' refusal to return his body for burial. 'It's devastating,' said a relative of Awdah. 'I've brought two daughters into this world, but I don't know how I can go on.' Locals gathered in the Umm al-Khair community centre. ISM ISM Hathaleen was well-known across the region and internationally for his activism and work on the Oscar-winning documentary No Other Land , which tells the story of life under occupation in the West Bank. He also taught English at Al-Saray'a Secondary School. 'He's irreplaceable' Edi, a spokesperson for the International Solidarity Movement (ISM), arrived in Umm al-Khair the day after the shooting. The ISM, a Palestinian-led organisation that supports nonviolent resistance in the West Bank and Gaza, described Adwah as a 'dear friend' in a statement. 'The loss is indescribable,' Edi said. 'He had this sort of limitless energy. All the international visitors who came here met Awdah – he was the one who welcomed them, who helped them understand what life is like here. Most of them fell in love with him.' There's so much despair here, it blew me away. Awdah, an activist himself since he was a teenager, hosted scores of foreign activists over the years, helping them navigate the realities of occupation while offering hospitality that, as Edi put it, 'defined him'. He leaves behind three children; Five-year-old Watan, four-year-old Muhammad, and baby Kinan, who is just 7 months old. 'They were loved dearly,' Edi said. Edi, who has visited the village before, said he has 'never seen conditions this bad.' 'They just want to bury him,' he said of the grieving community. Fatal shooting The killing on Monday followed a confrontation that began a day earlier. According to ISM and eyewitnesses, a settler-operated excavator entered Umm al-Khair to reach the Carmel settlement. Villagers had agreed to allow its passage, on condition no local infrastructure would be damaged. Advertisement But the machinery ran over a vital water pipe and continued rolling toward village land. When residents tried to intervene, the operator allegedly struck one man in the head with the excavator's claw, leaving him semi-conscious. Awdah, standing just metres away in the courtyard of the Umm al-Khair community centre, was shot by an Israeli settler amid the chaos that followed. Witnesses said settler Yinon Levi, who has been sanctioned by the US and UK for inciting violence, fired the fatal shot. Since the shooting, Edi said Israeli authorities have arrested 18 Palestinians, including 16 from Umm al-Khair, many during overnight raids. Images have been shared by the community of the 16 men arrested since the murder of Adwah. ISM ISM 'We all feel very helpless when they come in the night, go door-to-door, and take everybody. It leaves us feeling hopeless,' Edi said. Those arrested include several of Awdah's relatives and young men active in non-violent resistance. 'They're targeting the very people who helped keep the protests peaceful,' he said. 'It feels like an attempt to dismantle the community leadership. We were worried that they may have been clearing the way to destroy the village itself.' Since Monday, a number of those arrested have been released, though six remain detained by Israeli authorities. Yinon Levi was released to house arrest by a court in Jerusalem just one day after the shooting. Village in crisis Umm al-Khair lies in Area C of the West Bank, territory fully controlled by Israel under the Oslo Accords. Around 300,000 Palestinians live there alongside roughly 400,000 Israeli settlers. The village, which has a population of roughly 150 people, has long been at the front lines of settlement expansion and settler violence, and faces the relentless growth of a bordering Israeli settlement, Carmel. Edi explained that Carmel has grown in recent years, which now 'completely envelopes the village'. 'It does feel like the people are completely under siege,' Edi explained. 'The entrance to the village can be closed, while the Israeli army can come and go from inside the settlement whenever they want. 'Much of the villagers' time is spent securing water, electricity, and caring for livestock.' An Israeli bulldozer spotted near the village community centre today. ISM ISM Human rights activists and reporters have criticised the lack of amenities for the villagers, while settlers nearby enjoy what The New York Times in 2010 described as 'a lovely green oasis that looks like an American suburb.' The village has also faced numerous attacks from Israeli settlers. In June 2024, a third of the village still standing was demolished as the IDF bulldozed 11 houses, including 5 tent residences, leaving 50 shepherds homeless. They also destroyed the village's electricity generator, solar cells and water tanks. Residents say that Monday's murder represents an escalation in what has already been a decades-long campaign to push them off their land. Carmel is an illegal outpost, as are all Israeli settlements in the West Bank – they violate the Fourth Geneva Convention, which bans an occupying power from transferring its population to the area it occupies. Need more information on what is happening in Israel and Palestine? Check out our FactCheck Knowledge Bank for essential reads and guides to navigating the news online. Visit Knowledge Bank Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
Sunday World
7 hours ago
- Sunday World
Man accused of attacking ex in front of their children before ‘speeding off' in her car
The man was denied bail and the accused cannot be named at this time A 30-year-old man accused of attacking his former partner in front of their children at her south Dublin home before "speeding off" in her car has been denied bail. The unemployed father was charged with assault causing harm, burglary, motor theft and production of a metal bar as a weapon during the incident at the woman's home on the evening of July 18. Judge White noted at Dublin District Court today that there were no orders in place under the Domestic Violence Act but said he was exercising discretion to impose reporting restrictions. As a result, the accused cannot be named. He said a file will be prepared for the Director of Public Prosecutions and gardaí would recommend the accused face trial on indictment, in the Circuit Court. The investigating garda maintained that the unemployed man arrived by taxi at his ex-partner's home and entered the property. Dublin District Court in the Criminal Courts of Justice. Photo: PA News in 90 Seconds, Friday August 1 The woman was in her bedroom with her children while the accused allegedly grabbed her mobile phone and then punched her with a closed fist to the left side of her face. The woman then fell from the bed and was repeatedly hit while she tried to get up. The contested bail hearing was told that she managed to get out of the bedroom and went downstairs. However, it was claimed that the man, who is the father of her children, pulled her back by her jacket and brandished a metal bar from her vacuum cleaner. Judge White was told that she managed to get downstairs, open a window and "shouted for help". Meanwhile, the accused is said to have stolen €360 and her car key from her wallet. It was alleged he got into her car and drove away. The woman suffered "a busted lip and pain to her face, thighs and elbows", and there were photos of her injuries, the court heard. The car was recovered two days later. CCTV evidence, not played during the bail hearing, was said to have recorded shouting and roaring and the accused subsequently "speeding away". Gardaí had also taken statements from the woman, a taxi man and a neighbour to support the charges. The investigating officer also alleged the accused had evaded gardaí who had checked several addresses until he was found on Thursday. Concerns were raised that he had drink and drug issues and that he or his family would engage in witness interference. The defence submitted that the man denies the allegations, has the presumption of innocence and could face a lengthy period in custody on remand. His barrister also proposed a strict set of bail terms, including movement restrictions and no contact with the woman who did not attend the bail hearing. The accused claimed, via his counsel, that his former partner had told him she would withdraw the allegations and, instead of jailing him, she wanted him to get help for his problems. The defence raised issues about the use of hearsay evidence that would not be permitted in the trial. The judge denied the bail application but granted legal aid and a certificate for counsel. The man was remanded in custody to appear again next week.
