Operation Sindoor on Pakistani Terror: 'This is the narrative the world should know', says Ranveer Allahbadia on Piers Morgan Uncensored
Ranveer Allahabadia
, better known by his nom de plume Beer Biceps Guy, made a passionate case for India's counter-terror operation,
Operation Sindoor
, during an appearance on
Piers Morgan Uncensored
, calling out Pakistan's long-standing terror complicity.
Holding up an image of Osama bin Laden, Allahabadia asked viewers to confront a reality long buried under diplomacy and denial. 'I hope everyone's able to see this person's face. He was found 800 metres from a military base in Pakistan. That's the face that the world recognises.'
Next, he held up an image of
Abdul Rauf
and added: 'This is the face that India recognises because it's most specific to our narrative. This man is a
UN-designated terrorist
being celebrated by the Pakistani military in the background. That's not the narrative that they give the Pakistanis. That's not the narrative that the world knows. But if you check with the UN, if you check with the US, they'll tell you that this is Abdul Rauf.'
Defending India's right to self-defence, Allahabadia went on: 'India's attacks were precision-oriented, moderate, and most importantly, they were simply a retaliation as they've always been. India has never been an aggressor in any of these situations. We export vaccines, we export philosophy, and we export engineers and leaders to the world. That's why our economy is 11 times the size of Pakistan's. But the Pakistani narrative is that, hey, look at these people. They're trying to get the world to sympathise with them.'
Who is Abdul Rauf?
Pakistan had claimed that the man leading the prayers was Abdul Rauf (circled), a preacher and member of Pakistan Markazi Muslim League. But it turns out that he was actually Hafiz Abdul Rauf — a 'specially designated global terrorist' by the US who is also on SDN (Specially Designated Nationals) list of the US govt (AFP photo)
Abdul Rauf Asghar is a senior commander of the Pakistan-based terrorist organisation
Jaish-e-Mohammed
(JeM) and the younger brother of its founder, Masood Azhar. A UN-designated terrorist, Abdul Rauf has been linked to some of the most audacious attacks on Indian soil, including the 2001 Indian Parliament attack and the 2016 Pathankot Airbase assault. Widely believed to be the operational head of JeM, he has also been sanctioned by the United States Treasury Department under terrorism-related provisions.
Despite these international designations, he continues to live openly in Pakistan, with credible reports placing him at public rallies and fundraising events. His presence and protection by elements of the Pakistani state have long been cited as evidence of the country's complicity in harbouring terrorism. As Ranveer Allahabadia pointed out in his appearance on Piers Morgan Uncensored, 'This man is a UN-designated terrorist being celebrated by the Pakistani military in the background'—a reality that India has consistently tried to highlight to the global community.
Pak and Terror: An Internecine Love Affair
Pakistan's entanglement with terrorism isn't a bug in its foreign policy—it is the feature. From the mujahideen of the 1980s, whom the
ISI
trained with CIA funds, to the post-9/11 double game where the same agencies harboured and hunted terrorists based on convenience, the pattern is unmistakable.
Terror groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and the Haqqani Network were not rogue elements but strategic assets—used to bleed India, influence Afghanistan, and maintain leverage with the West. The ISI's doctrine of 'strategic depth' created a hydra of non-state actors that now even threatens Pakistan's own stability. And yet, successive governments in Islamabad have worn their duplicity like a badge of honour, calibrating violence while pleading innocence on the world stage. In no other nation has the line between statecraft and sabotage blurred so thoroughly.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Indian Express
12 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Centre may ban all forms of real money games, penalise influencers promoting them
The Ministry of Electronics and IT (MeitY) has drafted a legislation which could place a blanket on all online gaming services – where users can play games after depositing money, in hopes of making more money – owing to growing concerns about alleged money laundering through these services, and their harmful societal impact, The Indian Express has learnt. The proposed law is believed to be titled 'The Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Bill, 2025' and is understood to have received the Cabinet's approval. Although, it is worth noting that the deliberations in the legislation are currently in the draft stage, and its proposals are open to changes. The Bill has been drafted over national security concerns related to online gaming platforms, including the use of digital wallets and cryptocurrencies for money laundering and illicit fund transfers, these platforms serving as potential messaging and communication grounds for terror organisations, and offshore entities circumventing Indian tax and legal obligations, among others. As per the current version of the draft law, the government will prohibit any person from offering online games in India, failing which they could be imprisoned for up to three years, and penalised Rs 1 crore. Those promoting such platforms, such as social media influencers, may also face jail time of two years, and a penalty of Rs 50 lakh. The government may also prohibit banks and financial institutions from facilitating financial transactions on such platforms. The IT Ministry did not respond to a request for comment. A change in approach The Bill, in its current version, is a sharp departure from just about two years ago, when in April 2023, the IT Ministry had introduced rules for online gaming, which were largely seen as pro-industry. However, those rules proved difficult to implement due to potential conflict of issues, as the rules envisioned creating a self regulatory structure, which could have been influenced by the industry. As such, they remained stuck in limbo, even as national security and socio-economic concerns due to such platforms gained traction. If the draft Bill is implemented in its current form, it will be a death blow to the online gaming industry in the country, which is projected to be a $9 billion market by 2029. The industry has also faced a 28 per cent Goods and Services Tax (GST), with proposals to increase the tax on these services to as high as 40 per cent, this paper had earlier reported. According to a report by FICCI and EY from March 2025, online gaming companies in India collectively earned a revenue of close to $2.7 billion in 2024. These companies typically make money by taking a cut from a user's winnings. As per the report, more than 155 million Indians engaged with real money gaming sub-segments such as fantasy sports, rummy, poker and other transaction-based games in 2024, marking a 10 per cent increase over 2023. On an average, around 110 million people played these games daily. The Bill is also understood to have envisioned the creation of a central authority to promote competitive e-sports in the country, while ensuring overall compliance with the law. The Centre will also recognise, categorise and register 'online social games' with the authority and facilitate the development and availability of online social games for recreational and educational purposes. Online social games may have an option to accept payment in the form of a subscription fee or access fee, as long as it is not in the form of a stake or wager.
The Wire
13 minutes ago
- The Wire
The Kerala Precedent: How Article 356 Became a Weapon of Cold War Politics
Newly declassified British intelligence files have confirmed coordinated CIA-UK operations with Congress leaders that led to the downfall of Kerala's 1959 Communist government. EMS Namboodiripad. On July 31, 1959, the Nehru Government invoked Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss a state government for the first time against a non-Congress administration. E.M.S. Namboodiripad, who had served as Kerala's chief minister from April 5, 1957, saw his Communist-led government terminated after 27 months in power. What followed was not just a change of government, but a constitutional precedent that would haunt Indian federalism for decades. For 65 years, the story of this dismissal has been contested territory. To supporters of the Vimochana Samaram (Liberation Struggle), the mass agitation that culminated in the dismissal represented a popular uprising against Communist overreach. To the Left, it was a carefully orchestrated conspiracy involving domestic and communal opposition with the help of foreign agents, including the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The story has taken a dramatic turn and become more intriguing with historian Paul McGarr's latest revelations. Drawing on recently declassified British intelligence files, McGarr's research reveals that the United Kingdom's MI5 and MI6, along with the CIA, mounted covert operations in coordination with senior Congress leaders and India's Intelligence Bureau to bring down the Namboodiripad administration. McGarr's findings reveal that when Kerala began gaining international attention as "The Indian Yenan" – a reference to the famous Chinese Communist revolutionary base – British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan became alarmed and authorised a "Special Political Action" program specifically designed to undermine the Communist Party of India's growing influence in the state. The operation included a covert training scheme that brought Congress leaders and union organisers to the UK for intensive anti-Communist instruction. The plan had the approval of IB chief B.N. Mullik and was politically green-lit by Union home minister Govind Ballabh Pant and Union finance minister Morarji Desai. Most significantly, the British archives reveal the careful diplomatic manoeuvering required to secure Indian government cooperation: "Having met Govind Ballabh Pant, India's Minister for Home Affairs, Morarji Desai, the Union Finance Minister, and Nehru himself, Lord Home reported back to London that Pant and Desai were firmly in favour. Nehru proved less enthusiastic. The Indian premier did, however, concede that it would be useful for the Indian government to be able to call on UK intelligence assistance in certain circumstances." The trained operatives were then "infiltrated into the Indian National Trade Union Congress," bolstering its ability to counter CPI-aligned unions. This created what McGarr describes as sustained political pressure that complemented CIA funding efforts. "The people of India have the right to know the truth about the 1959 dismissal of Kerala's first Communist government. I believe that much is still remaining hidden about the Vimochana Samaram, which was shaped not only by local politics but also by external interventions that influenced the course of democracy in postcolonial India. The newly revealed UK involvement is almost unbelievable, but surprisingly new," observed eminent political scientist G. Gopakumar. Ballot box Communists The undivided CPI's electoral victory in Kerala in 1957 created one of the earliest democratically elected Communist governments in the world. It was only the second revolutionary government ever elected democratically, after communist success in San Marino from 1945 to 1957. This democratic path to socialism sent ripples across the Cold War world, where the ideological battle between capitalism and communism typically played out through revolution or military intervention, not electoral politics. In Washington and London, policymakers watched apprehensively as Namboodiripad's government began implementing the radical reforms that had brought it to power. The Communist government's troubles began with its very success in implementing promised reforms. The Kerala Education Bill of 1957, piloted by state education minister Joseph Mundassery, aimed to bring the state's schools under tighter government regulation. The legislation required that teacher appointments in grant-aided private schools – many run by Christian churches and caste organisations – be made from government-approved lists. For the powerful Syrian Catholic Church and organisations like the Nair Service Society, these reforms represented an existential threat to decades-old control over education and patronage networks. The changes would have significantly affected the livelihoods and autonomy of thousands of teachers while reducing the influence of religious and community organisations over educational institutions. Even more explosive were the agrarian reforms championed by revenue minister K.R. Gouri. The legislation sought to confer ownership rights to long-term tenant cultivators, fix ceilings on landholdings, and prevent arbitrary eviction of tenants. For the landed elites – particularly the Nair and Syrian Christian communities who had dominated Kerala's rural economy for generations – these reforms were unacceptable. The gathering storm Opposition to the EMS government began coalescing almost immediately after the bills were introduced. The Syrian Catholic Church mobilised its considerable resources against the education bill, with Church leaders framing the legislation as an attack on religious freedom and minority rights. Simultaneously, the Nair Service Society, under Mannathu Padmanabhan's leadership, began organising against the land reforms. The Indian National Congress, smarting from its electoral defeat, provided political coordination for what would become a formidable opposition coalition. The protests, initially peaceful, gradually escalated. The turning point came on June 13, 1959, at Angamaly, where police firing on protesters resulted in seven deaths. Similar incidents followed across the state, creating a cycle of violence and political mobilisation that would ultimately provide the justification for central intervention. Evidence of foreign involvement The question of foreign involvement in the Vimochana Samaram has been the subject of scholarly investigation for decades. CIA funding of the Congress party has been documented on multiple occasions. The most significant admission came from Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who served as US Ambassador to India in the 1970s. In his memoir A Dangerous Place, Moynihan revealed that the CIA had secretly funded the Indian National Congress on multiple occasions, including operations targeting Kerala's Communist government. "In the 1950s, as the role of world policeman shifted from Britain to the United States, the CIA overthrew several democratically elected governments in the Third World, often with extreme bloodshed,' explains Thomas Isaac, CPIM leader and Kerala's former finance minister. Yet in former British colonies like British Guiana, India, and Iran, it was still British intelligence that held sway in the early years. The coup in British Guiana was initiated by Britain itself. 'Now, for the first time, concrete records reveal Britain's interventions in Kerala—until now known only through the memoirs of B.N. Mullik, then head of India's Intelligence Bureau," says Issac who co-authored the book Toppling the First Ministry: Kerala, the CIA, and the Struggle for Social Justice, along with Richard W. Franke. While the CIA's role in funnelling money to Congress politicians and anti-communist trade unions has been hinted at in past memoirs and research, McGarr's work adds detailed evidence of Britain's parallel campaign. The Cold War context Understanding the foreign dimension requires recognising Kerala's significance in Cold War calculations. A democratically elected Communist government in an Indian state represented a dangerous precedent from the perspective of Western policymakers who saw containment of Communism as a strategic imperative. Internal CIA documents, some later declassified, show the extraordinary level of attention Kerala commanded in Washington's intelligence apparatus. The agency produced detailed intelligence assessments tracking political developments in what internal communications referred to as "India's Communist State." The fear was not just about Kerala itself, but about the precedent it might set. If Communism could succeed through democratic means in one corner of the world, what would prevent similar outcomes elsewhere in the developing world? This concern shaped Western intelligence approaches to the crisis. The constitutional precedent On July 31, 1959, on the advice of the Union Cabinet, President Rajendra Prasad invoked Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss Kerala's elected chief minister E.M.S. Namboodiripad and his cabinet, and ordered the dissolution of the state assembly. The decision came after months of escalating protests and violence, setting a precedent for using the provision against non-Congress administrations that would be repeatedly invoked in subsequent decades. Prime Minister Nehru, despite his initial reluctance as revealed in the British archives, ultimately accepted the advice of his Cabinet to dismiss the EMS government. The justification was the breakdown of law and order, but critics argued that the violence had been manufactured to create grounds for constitutional intervention. The dismissal of Kerala's Communist government established what would become known as the "Kerala precedent" – the use of Article 356 to remove an elected state government facing political opposition based on ideological grounds. While Article 356 had been used before in Punjab (1951) and PEPSU (1953), the Kerala case marked its first deployment against a Communist government and set the template for future political misuse of this constitutional provision. Over the following decades, Article 356 would be invoked repeatedly against state governments that were inconvenient to the party in power at the Center, fundamentally altering the federal balance envisioned by the Constitution's framers. Historical reassessment Recent research has begun to provide a more nuanced understanding of the Vimochana Samaram, moving beyond simple narratives of popular uprising or foreign conspiracy. The evidence suggests a complex interaction of genuine domestic grievances, opportunistic political calculation and foreign intelligence operations. The concerns of various Kerala communities about the Communist government's reforms were real and significant. The education bill openly threatened the autonomy of religious institutions, while the land reforms challenged established property relations. These fears of the elite provided the raw material for political mobilisation. However, the systematic coordination of this opposition, the sophisticated propaganda campaigns, and the strategic timing of escalations suggest influences beyond purely local concerns. The documented CIA funding and British intelligence cooperation indicate that foreign powers saw an opportunity to roll back a dangerous precedent and took it. McGarr's research reveals that the Kerala operation was not an isolated case. It mirrored interventions in other newly independent nations where Western powers feared communist electoral success could become a model for the developing world. The Kerala episode provides crucial historical context for contemporary debates about foreign interference in domestic politics. The techniques revealed in declassified documents – covert funding of political movements, sophisticated information campaigns, coordination between foreign operatives and domestic actors – bear striking similarities to modern concerns about electoral manipulation. Perhaps most importantly, the Kerala case demonstrates how constitutional provisions designed to protect democracy can be turned against it when political will is lacking. The misuse of Article 356, beginning with the Kerala precedent, would become one of the most contentious issues in Indian federalism. The unfinished story As archives continue to open and more documents become available, our understanding of the Kerala episode continues to evolve. The full scope of foreign involvement may never be completely known, as intelligence operations by their nature leave incomplete paper trails scattered across different countries and agencies. What remains clear is that the dismissal of Kerala's first Communist government represents a watershed moment in Indian democracy – a moment when the principles of federalism and electoral sovereignty came into conflict with Cold War imperatives and domestic political calculations. The Vimochana Samaram thus stands as both a historical case study and a contemporary warning about the fragility of democratic institutions. 'If the fresh revelations are true, it amounts [to] a Union government conspiring with foreign agents against one of its provinces, a rare moment in political history,' says Dr. Gopakumar. As India continues to grapple with questions of federalism and constitutional governance, the lessons of 1959 remain relevant. The Kerala precedent serves as a cautionary tale about the price of sacrificing democratic principles for immediate political advantage – a price that, once paid, may take generations to recover. M.P. Basheer, a journalist and writer based in Trivandrum, was the executive editor of Kerala's first TV news channel, Indiavision. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
News18
22 minutes ago
- News18
Wang Yi to visit Pakistan from Aug 20-22 to attend strategic dialogue: China
Beijing, Aug 19 (PTI) Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will travel to Islamabad on Wednesday to attend the annual strategic dialogue to review all-weather ties, amid Pakistan's efforts to recalibrate its relationship with Beijing's strategic rival – the US. Wang will visit Pakistan from August 20-22 and hold the Sixth Round of China-Pakistan Foreign Ministers' Strategic Dialogue with Ishaq Dar, Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said on Tuesday. In Islamabad, the Foreign Office said that Wang is visiting Pakistan at the invitation of Foreign Minister Dar to co-chair the sixth Pakistan-China Foreign Ministers' Strategic Dialogue on August 21. 'The visit is part of the regular high-level exchanges between Pakistan and China to further deepen their 'All-Weather Strategic Cooperative Partnership', reaffirm support on the issues of respective core interests, enhance economic and trade cooperation, and reaffirm their joint commitment to regional peace, development and stability," the FO said in a statement. This will be Wang's second visit to Pakistan in three years, and the latest high-level exchange between the two countries following recent bilateral meetings and visits, Mao told a media briefing in Beijing. The two sides will have in-depth communication on bilateral relations and international and regional issues of mutual interest, she said. Answering a question, Mao played down recent efforts by Pakistan to improve ties with the US, especially its Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, who was hosted by US President Donald Trump for a rare lunch, saying Beijing-Islamabad ironclad ties will not be affected by any third party. Last month, Munir visited China, where he met Chinese Vice President Han Zeng, Wang and top military brass, but not President Xi Jinping, unlike his predecessor Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa. 'The Pakistan-US relationship is a matter between the two countries," Mao said. 'China and Pakistan are ironclad friends and all-weather strategic cooperative partners, and our bilateral relationship is not affected by any third party and does not target any third party," she said. To a question about Wang's visit to Pakistan close on the heels of his trip to India and whether he would discuss India's concerns over the border terrorism issue, Mao said both India and Pakistan are China's important neighbours. 'We are willing to enhance friendly cooperation with both countries, and hope that differences between these two countries can be properly handled," she said. Wang, who arrived in New Delhi on Monday, held talks with his Indian counterpart S Jaishankar and attended the 24th round of Special Representatives boundary talks with NSA Ajit Doval on Tuesday. Asked whether it isn't a challenge to China to pursue relationships with both India and Pakistan at the same time, given the troubled history between the two countries and the current state of affairs, Mao said, 'China is willing to conduct friendly cooperation with both countries". 'As for issues between them, we hope they will find proper solutions. China stands ready to play a constructive role in light of their will," she said. PTI KJV ZH ZH ZH view comments First Published: August 19, 2025, 19:15 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Loading comments...
