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After Gurjar mahapanchayat, protesters block tracks in Rajasthan; 12+ trains delayed despite govt nod to 5% MBC reservation

After Gurjar mahapanchayat, protesters block tracks in Rajasthan; 12+ trains delayed despite govt nod to 5% MBC reservation

Time of India2 days ago

After Gurjar mahapanchayat, protesters block tracks in Rajasthan; 12+ trains delayed despite govt nod to 5% MBC reservation
JAIPUR/ALWAR: Disgruntled elements who participated in the Gurjar mahapanchayat, called by Gurjar Aarakshan Sangharsh Samiti convenor Vijay Bainsla in Bharatpur's Peelupura Sunday, damaged railway tracks and halted the Kota-Mathura passenger train on the busy Delhi-Mumbai line.
The two-hour disruption, which had a cascading effect on the movement of over 12 trains scheduled on the line, was unleashed by an unruly group of youths after Bainsla called off the mahapanchayat following the Rajasthan govt's acceptance of the community's charter of demands, including one to include the 5% MBC reservation in the 9th Schedule.
"We are happy with the govt's statement today. For the first time, the state govt has decided to approve the inclusion of the 5% MBC quota in the 9th Schedule of the Constitution in the state cabinet.
Once it is approved in the state cabinet, the govt will send it to the Centre for further processing. We thank the chief minister for this," Bainsla told TOI.
Angry Gurjar youths, who demanded immediate action from the govt, however, blocked the busy Delhi-Mumbai railway line for over two hours, from 4:30 pm, damaging about one km of the tracks about 150 meters away from the site of the mahapanchayat.
As a result of the protests, Avadh Express that runs from Bandra Terminus to Barauni Junction in Bihar was halted at Fateh Singhpura station, while Saugor-Nizamuddin train was stopped at Sawai Madhopur station.
As protests started to spread, IG Bharatpur zone, district collector, and SP arrived at the scene and persuaded the protesters to vacate the area, managing to clear the track by 6:30 pm. "The halted train departed after a team of DRM Kota repaired the tracks. All the protesters dispersed. I spoke to a few remaining protesters at the spot who have also been dispersed," said Rahul Prakash, IG Bharatpur Range. Prakash said rail movement was restored on the Delhi-Mumbai route via Karwadi-Pillu Ka Pura route on the Bayana section.
Senior Divisional Commercial Manager, Kota division of West Central Railways (WCR), Sourabh Jain, said, "We were informed at 4:33 pm on Sunday that some people moved on to sit on the railway track between Fateh Singh Pura and Dumariya Stations near Pillu Ka Pura. The train no. 54794 Mathura-Sawaimadhopur fast passenger train was halted in the section." "In coordination with State Police and Railways, the people on the track were removed at 6:46 pm through convincing and pursual.
The 54794 passenger train has departed from the halt, and other trains have also resumed on track. In the entire episode, around 10-12 trains suffered delays," he added.
Sunday's mahapanchayat was called despite the Rajasthan govt, through home minister Jawahar Singh Bedam, conveying that it would address the demands raised by the community, including full benefits of 5% reservation in govt jobs and education for most backward classes (MBCs).
Bainsla read out the govt draft to the community members, after which it was unanimously agreed to call off the mahapanchayat. However, several community members opposed the govt draft and decided to block the railway tracks. Following the protest, Bainsla and other committee members left the venue, after which angry youths decided to move their protests to the rail tracks.

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Sri Lanka's 13th Amendment at a Crossroads: Can the NPP Deliver on Minority Rights and Devolution?
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Sri Lanka's 13th Amendment at a Crossroads: Can the NPP Deliver on Minority Rights and Devolution?

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Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh
Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh

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Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh

Last Updated: Awami League led a long political struggle for Bangladesh's emancipation. By rejecting this legacy, Bangladesh might end up shooting itself in the foot On May 10, 2025, the interim government in Bangladesh further amended the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973 through ordinance no. 20, 2025. It thus authorised the tribunal to suspend and prohibit the activities of any political party (including its front organisations), cancel its registration and confiscate its property if found guilty of aiding, inciting or conspiring in any crimes mentioned in the statute. The Yunus administration, however, was unwilling to wait for the tribunal's verdict. On the same day, it hastily announced a ban on all activities of Awami League, pending the disposal of cases against it. On May 8, the Yunus administration had created a second three-member tribunal with former High Court judge Nazrul Islam Chowdhury as its chairman. 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The father of a student belonging to Students Against Discrimination filed a complaint with the ICT against nine people, including deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Professor Asif Nazrul, Advisor on Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs in the interim government, opined that the July killings qualified for trial by the tribunal. The tribunal had previously ruled that crimes against humanity need not be specific to war. Banning political parties is not new in Bangladesh. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman initiated this practice. Not content with Awami League's overwhelming majority (307 out of 315 seats) in Bangladesh's first general election (March 7, 1973), Mujib amended the 1972 Constitution on January 25, 1975, changing the government from parliamentary to presidential. Mujib, as Marcus Franda (1982) states, 'was vested with all executive power and authorized to declare Bangladesh as a one-party state. In subsequent months he abolished all political parties, stripped the supreme court of its powers to enforce fundamental rights, created special courts and tribunals directly answerable to him, and closed down all but four daily newspapers (two in English, and two in Bengali). All four of the newspapers that were allowed to exist were either government or party owned". (Bangladesh: The First Decade, p. 55). On June 6, 1975, 40 days before his assassination in a coup, Mujib formally ended multiparty democracy in Bangladesh by establishing one-party rule under Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BKSAL). Bangladesh subsequently fell under the rule of military dictators General Ziaur Rahman and General H.M. Ershad, who governed for 15 years combined. In the last 50 years, Bangladesh has experienced coups, military dictatorships, controversial elections, political violence, and attempts to create an Islamist state. Even the two-party democracy in place since 1991 devolved into confrontational politics, often dubbed the 'battle of the Begums". In 2007, under the caretaker government of President Iajuddin Ahmed, a controversial 'minus two" formula was devised to restore democracy by excluding both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia from politics. Both leaders were arrested. This unpopular formula faced backlash and was abandoned. It resurfaced recently when BNP General Secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir mentioned it disapprovingly. III Both Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Hasina exhibited authoritarian tendencies, seeking to eliminate political opponents. Their personalities often overshadowed the party itself. However, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has demonstrated similar tendencies. When in power (e.g., 1991-96 and 2001-06), the BNP attempted to manipulate elections, leading to the introduction of caretaker governments, demonstrating the immaturity of Bangladeshi democracy. Yet, banning Awami League is different. It threatens Bangladesh's identity. Ahmed Sofa (1943-2001), the late Bangladeshi essayist, poet and public intellectual, suggested that while Awami League's triumph might signify the victory of a few leaders, its defeat represents a loss for all of Bangladesh (Bangali Musalmaner Mon, p. 17). This is due to the party's historical roots in the struggle of the people of East Bengal. Sofa acknowledged Awami League's shortcomings, including its superficial secularism, which he considered a political tool incapable of addressing obscurantism and dogmatism within Muslim society, hindering Bangladesh's social progress. Nevertheless, Awami League spearheaded nation-building in East Pakistan, culminating in Bangladesh's independence. Founded as Awami Muslim League Party on 23 June 1949 under Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (1880-1976), its initial leadership comprised dissidents from the Pakistan Muslim League (formerly All India Muslim League). Before partition, the All India Muslim League prioritised the creation of Pakistan, neglecting governance issues that later plagued the new state. The party became an exclusive clique, restricting membership, which fuelled discord. The East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (estd. 1949) was among several dissident parties emerging from the Muslim League. By the end of 1949, according to Shyamali Ghosh (1990), around 20 opposition parties existed in Pakistan, including 13 in Punjab, eight formed by dissident Muslim Leaguers (The Awami League 1949-1971, p. 2). The Awami Muslim League's influence grew. In the 1954 provincial elections, its alliance with the Krishak Sramik Party, led by A.K. Fazlul Huq, and other smaller parties, campaigning on a 21-point demand (commemorating the Bengali language martyrs of 21 February 1952), decisively defeated the Muslim League, which secured only nine seats compared to the United Front's 229. The United Front's manifesto, essentially Awami Muslim League's charter of demands, was condensed from 42 to 21 points by journalist and lawyer Abul Mansur Ahmad. 'Neither in the manifesto of Awami League nor in that of Krishak Sramik Party", notes Justice Muhammad Munir (1979), 'was there any reference to Islam or the Quran and Sunnah" (From Jinnah to Zia, p. xvii). At its Dacca session from October 21-23, 1955, Awami Muslim League dropped 'Muslim" from its name. The Awami League (1956) advocated for abolishing separate electorates, a colonial legacy. Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy, leading a coalition of Awami League and the Republican Party, piloted the Joint Electorate Bill on 10 October 1956. Joint electorates were introduced in East Pakistan, but separate electorates remained in the west, highlighting Pakistan's internal divisions. 'In spite of economic backwardness", comments Badruddin Umar, 'East Bengal was an advanced region in respect of social, cultural and political developments. Owing to its cultural and political backwardness and predominantly feudal composition of leadership in West Pakistan they cling to old prejudices" (The Emergence of Bangladesh Vol-1, p. 329). On 3 April 1957, the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution on regional autonomy, moved by Mohiuddin Ahmad of Awami League and addressed by his party colleague and United Front minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Mujib described regional autonomy as crucial for East Bengal. The resolution demanded full autonomy for East Pakistan except for currency, foreign affairs, and defence, which would remain with the Centre. Mujib elaborated on regional autonomy and democracy in his booklet 'Six-Point Formula — Our Right to Live" (March 1966), published during Field Marshal Ayub Khan's military dictatorship (1958-69) after the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War. This Six-Point Formula became Awami League's programme. Ayub Khan attempted to implicate Mujib in the Agartala Conspiracy Case (1968), alleging collusion with India to divide Pakistan. However, he withdrew the case under pressure from public agitation in East Pakistan, compounded by his precarious position in West Pakistan. The 1969 agitations in East Bengal foreshadowed the 1971 uprising. Awami League thus prepared the ground for Bangladesh's independence. It won 167 of 169 East Bengal seats in the 1970 National Assembly elections (total strength 313). Whether Bangladesh would have emerged if Yahya Khan had allowed Mujib to become Prime Minister is debatable. However, the March 1971 uprising demonstrated East Bengal's determination to achieve sovereignty, with or without Mujib, who was imprisoned in Mianwali jail in West Pakistan. top videos View all Awami League's governance has been authoritarian at times, but so has that of the BNP and General Ershad. In a democracy, parties naturally cycle in and out of power. However, banning Awami League creates an identity crisis for Bangladesh. Denying its historical heritage could lead the nation in unpredictable directions. The writer is the author of 'The Microphone Men: How Orators Created a Modern India' (2019) and an independent researcher based in New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 11, 2025, 14:32 IST News opinion Opinion | Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh

Constitution transformed 'untouchables' into equal citizens: CJI Gavai at Oxford Union
Constitution transformed 'untouchables' into equal citizens: CJI Gavai at Oxford Union

India Gazette

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  • India Gazette

Constitution transformed 'untouchables' into equal citizens: CJI Gavai at Oxford Union

New Delhi [India], June 11 (ANI): Many decades ago, millions of Indian citizens were called 'untouchables.' They were told they were impure and that they could not speak for themselves. But here we are today, where a person belonging to those very people is speaking openly as the holder of the highest office in the country's judiciary, said Chief Justice of India BR Gavai. CJI Gavai, the second Dalit and the first Buddhist to hold India's highest judicial office, spoke at the Oxford Union on Tuesday on the theme 'From Representation to Realisation: Embodying the Constitution's Promise'. He highlighted the positive impact of the Constitution on marginalised communities, saying that the Constitution has given people equal place in every sphere of society and power. 'Many decades ago, millions of citizens of India were called 'untouchables'. They were told they were impure. They were told that they did not belong. They were told that they could not speak for themselves. But here we are today, where a person belonging to those very people is speaking openly, as the holder of the highest office in the judiciary of the country. This is what the Constitution of India did. It told the people of India that they belong, that they can speak for themselves, and that they have an equal place in every sphere of society and power,' he said. 'At the Oxford Union today, I stand before you to say: for India's most vulnerable citizens, the Constitution is not merely a legal charter or a political framework. It is a feeling, a lifeline, a quiet revolution etched in ink. In my own journey, from a municipal school to the Office of the Chief Justice of India, it has been a guiding force,' said the CJI. He said the Constitution is a social document, one that does not avert its gaze from the brutal truths of caste, poverty, exclusion, and injustice. 'It does not pretend that all are equal in a land scarred by deep inequality. Instead, it dares to intervene, to rewrite the script, to recalibrate power, and to restore dignity,' CJI said at the gathering. The Constitution of India carries within it the heartbeat of those who were never meant to be heard, and the vision of a country where equality is not just promised, but pursued, he said, adding that it compels the State not only to protect rights but to uplift, to affirm, to repair actively. CJI said that during the framing of India's Constitution, a remarkable and often overlooked truth emerged: many of the nation's most vulnerable social groups were not merely subjects of constitutional concern but active participants in its making. 'From Dalits and Adivasis, to women, minorities, persons with disabilities, and even those once unjustly brandedas 'criminal tribes,' their presence in the Constituent Assembly, and in the broader constitutional imagination, was a collective demand for justice,' said the CJI. He said Dr BR Ambedkar as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution, played a foresighted and defining role in embedding adequate safeguards and affirmative measures into the constitutional text, particularly the principle of representation. 'In an unequal society, he believed, democracy cannot survive unless power is also divided among communities, not just among institutions. Representation, therefore, was a mechanism of redistributing power, not only between the legislature, executive, and judiciary, but among social groups that had been denied a share for centuries, CJI further said. (ANI)

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