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Anna University case: How convict, now awarded life term, sexually assaulted student on campus
A Mahila Court in Chennai on Monday sentenced the lone convict, A Gnanasekaran, to life imprisonment without remission in the 2024 Anna University campus sexual assault case. On December 23, a 19-year-old student, who was with her male friend, was sexually assaulted by the 37-year-old biryani vendor on the campus of her varsity. The case led to a huge outcry over the safety of students and triggered a political slugfest read more
A court in Tamil Nadu has awarded life imprisonment to the lone convict in the 2024 Anna University campus rape case. The Mahila Court in Chennai on Monday (June 2) announced its verdict, sentencing A Gnanasekaran to a life term without remission.
The rape case had created a massive outrage in Tamil Nadu, gaining national limelight after the survivor's identity was leaked. It also sparked a political slugfest, with the opposition attacking the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) over the law and order situation in the state.
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But what's the case? We will explain.
Rape on campus rocks Anna University
On the night of December 23 last year, a 19-year-old student of the Anna University in Chennai was raped in the university campus.
The survivor was sitting with her male friend on the campus when Gnanasekaran, 37, confronted them, Indian Express reported, citing the Tamil Nadu police. He pretended to record the video of the pair and blackmailed them with the footage.
Gnanasekaran, who ran a biryani outlet on a sidewalk near the campus, then went on to sexually assault the student in a secluded spot. He also filmed the rape on his mobile phone.
Gnanasekaran tried to blackmail her by threatening to send the footage to her father and the college authorities if she failed to heed his demands.
The student, however, did not stay silent. She, with the support of her family and college, approached the Kotturpuram All Women Police Station the next day. Gnanasekaran was arrested on December 25.
Gnanasekaran, convicted in the Anna University sexual assault case, being escorted by the police after he was sentenced to life imprisonment by a Mahila Court, in Chennai, June 2, 2025. PTI
The incident triggered a huge uproar in the varsity over the safety of women on campus. The Students' Federation of India (SFI) and the All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) organised protests, demanding justice for the survivor.
FIR leaked, SIT formed
After the First Information Report (FIR) with the survivor's details and identity was uploaded on the official website and then leaked to mediapersons, the case drew national attention.
The Madras High Court took suo motu cognisance and chided the Tamil Nadu Police over the leak of the FIR and its tone that was perceived as shaming the survivor.
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The High Court also formed a Special Investigation Team (SIT) comprising senior women IPS officers. The SIT filed a 100-page chargesheet on February 24.
It named history-sheeter Gnanasekar as the lone accused. As per NDTV sources, the convict had also confessed to carrying out thefts at several houses in Chennai during questioning. More than 100 sovereigns of gold and a luxury SUV were recovered from him.
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Political storm over the rape case
The rape case led to the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) targeting the MK Stalin-led Tamil Nadu government over the law and order.
The issue took a political turn after BJP members shared photos of Gnanasekaran with Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin. The DMK had dismissed the pictures, with CM Stalin reportedly asserting he was only a supporter, not a member of the party.
The then BJP Tamil Nadu chief K Annamalai had publicly whipped himself outside his house in Coimbatore to protest the sexual assault at Anna University.
#WATCH | Coimbatore | Tamil Nadu BJP president K Annamalai self-whips himself as a mark of protest to demand justice in the Anna University alleged sexual assault case. pic.twitter.com/ZoEhSsoo1r — ANI (@ANI) December 27, 2024
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'Look at the state of the law & order in the state. A repeated offender like Gnanasekaran (the accused) was not on the rowdy list because of his connection with DMK leaders,' he alleged at a press conference last December.
The AIADMK had held a road roko protest near the university campus in Chennai.
Rape convict sentenced
The Mahila Court in Chennai on Monday sentenced Gnanasekaran to life imprisonment for a minimum period of 30 years without remission. Last week, the court found him guilty on 11 charges, including rape, abduction, wrongful confinement, and criminal intimidation under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), the Information Technology Act, and the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act.
As per The Hindu, Mahila Court judge M Rajalakshmi said while pronouncing the sentence: 'For the charge under Section 64(1) [rape] of the BNS, you are sentenced to life imprisonment for a minimum period of 30 years without remission. Also, a Rs 25,000 fine is imposed under this section, and if you default to pay the fine, you will have to undergo simple imprisonment for three months.'
Gnanasekaran has been convicted separately on different charges, while his sentences will run concurrently. He has to pay a total fine of Rs 90,000.
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The judge also ordered the Tamil Nadu government to pay compensation to the survivor, reported The Hindu.
The defence previously urged for leniency, citing Gnanasekaran's aged mother and young daughter. However, the prosecution had opposed the plea, calling for maximum punishment.
The court upheld the prosecution's argument, ruling the sexual assault 'a premeditated act exploiting institutional vulnerabilities.'
The survivor continues her studies at the varsity.
With inputs from agencies
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CHENNAI: A division bench of the Madras High Court consisting of justices MS Ramesh and V Lakshminarayanan on Wednesday adjourned by three months a habeas corpus petition filed by Gengadevi, mother of the Anna University rape convict Gnanasekaran, praying for quashing the order to invoke the Goondas Act against him. The bench stated that the petition was not fit for its intervention at this stage as it involves public order also. Gnanasekaran was detained under the Goonds Act on January 5 by an order of the Greater Chennai Police Commissioner. He was on Monday sentenced to life imprisonment for a minimum of 30 years without remission for raping the engineering student on the university premises.
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The verdict in the Anna University sexual assault case — the Mahila Court sentenced 37-year-old biryani vendor Gnanasekaran to life imprisonment without remission for 30 years — marks a significant moment of judicial clarity. Examining forensic evidence, including mobile data that proved the accused had kept his phone on 'flight mode' for over two hours during the crime, the court dismissed speculation of multiple perpetrators. In fact, the judge found Gnanasekaran guilty under multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Information Technology (IT) Act, and the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act (1998) — a verdict arrived at without political interference or procedural delay. However, legal closure rarely halts political rumour. Even as the public prosecutor warned that continued speculation could amount to contempt of court, the phrase 'Yaar Andha Sir?' ('Who is that sir?') has already entered political discourse, largely due to insinuations by AIADMK leaders and an opportunistic digital echo chamber. The truth, it seems, is not what is proved in court but what sticks in public memory. Ironically, the DMK government, often accused of political micro-management, allowed this case to move swiftly through an autonomous legal process. In a state where past sexual assault cases, like the Pollachi scandal, were delayed or allegedly mishandled, notably under the AIADMK's watch, this is not insignificant. Nevertheless, the opposition has deftly turned the DMK's early assertion that there was only one accused into a point of political attack, calling it 'prejudgement' and 'potential cover-up'. This episode reveals the broader question facing the DMK as it heads toward the 2026 assembly elections: How does the party retain credibility and control the narrative? The DMK's record over the last four years is, in many ways, better than its predecessors. Schemes centred around school-going children, women, and the youth have received appreciation. Other schemes like Illam Thedi Kalvi, Makkalai Thedi Maruthuvam, and grievance redressal initiatives have improved state–citizen interaction, especially in rural Tamil Nadu. The government's efforts in resisting NEET, symbolically potent even if legally ineffective, have bolstered its pro-social justice image. Investments in government schools, Primary Health Centres (PHCs), and digital governance platforms also signal policy intent that is not merely rhetorical. However, the government's challenges are far from trivial. Tamil Nadu's graduate unemployment (16.78 per cent) remains uncomfortably high, and industrial job creation has failed to keep up with expectations. Chennai's chronic flooding and waste management failures have not seen systemic solutions, and the DMK's urban governance, while more responsive than before, lacks long-term vision. Add to this the unfolding TASMAC controversy, a potentially damaging scandal involving liquor procurement irregularities and alleged revenue manipulation. For many Tamil households, especially among the working poor, TASMAC is more than a public sector enterprise; it is a source of everyday distress. Women-led protests and growing anger around alcoholism have sharpened the moral critique of the government's alleged role in enabling addiction under the guise of revenue generation. Besides, actor-turned-politician Vijay's debut through Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam seems to have disrupted the Dravidian binary in a way few thought possible. Unlike fringe players like Seeman's NTK, Vijay carries an immense fan base and strong recall across age groups. His youth appeal and calculated distance from Hindutva politics make him formidable. Vijay has carefully crafted his messaging: anti-corruption, pro-education and socially inclusive. By not aligning with either Dravidian major or the BJP, he is attempting to occupy the unclaimed centre, a space attractive to urban, educated, and politically ambivalent first-time voters. If TVK contests all 234 seats, it may not win many outright, but it could split votes in enough constituencies to damage both DMK and AIADMK prospects. Meanwhile, the AIADMK is trying to regain lost ground under Edappadi K Palaniswami. While the party remains factionalised without a charismatic face, it still commands a sizeable rural base. Its attempts to link the Anna University case to a larger narrative of DMK complacency may not be grounded in evidence, but they are politically shrewd. In alliance with the BJP, the AIADMK hopes to capitalise on any anti-incumbency sentiment. However, this strategy remains fraught with risk: Tamil Nadu's electorate have consistently displayed a deep-rooted scepticism towards the BJP, viewing it as hostile to Tamil identity and interests, a perception that remains firmly embedded in the state's political consciousness. What must the DMK do, then? First, it must address the TASMAC issue head-on through transparency, audits, action against corruption, and a clear plan to reduce reliance on alcohol revenue. Second, the party must move beyond legacy rhetoric toward forward-looking governance. Digital skills training, green jobs, women's safety, and urban renewal should define its new language of social justice. Most crucially, it must seize control of the narrative. Though legally closed, the Anna University case remains a battle of perception. If the DMK stays reactive, allowing its record to be drowned out by slogans and suspicion, it risks ceding the larger electoral script. In Tamil Nadu, politically sharp and emotionally engaged voters expect more than performance; they demand trust, which is earned constantly. The DMK seems to have a strong chance in 2026. Stalin remains a credible leader, and the party's organisation is solid. But election results depend not just on incumbency or ideology but on timing, tone, and trust. The path to Fort St. George lies as much through governance as through the people's imagination. And in that realm, the verdict is never final. It is constantly being rewritten, tweet by tweet, poster by poster, speech by speech. The court may have ruled on Gnanasekaran. But in the court of public opinion, the DMK must still argue its case every single day, until the ballot speaks. The writer is an education consultant and political analyst based in Bengaluru
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