'107 Days': Kamala Harris to publish book this September; memoir on 'shortest presidential run in modern history'
announced Thursday that she will release a memoir reflecting on her brief but historic run for president. This comes a day after Harris announced that she will not be running for California governor in 2026.
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The book, titled '107 Days,' will be published on September 23 by Simon & Schuster.
'Just over a year ago, I launched my campaign for President of the United States,' Harris said in a video posted on X.
'107 days traveling the country, fighting for our
— the shortest presidential campaign in modern history. Since leaving office, I've spent a lot of time reflecting on those days and with candor and reflection, I've written a behind-the-scenes account of that journey.
I believe there's value in sharing what I saw, what I learned, and what it will take to move forward,' she added.
Harris ended up leading the Democratic ticket after former President
dropped out last July following a widely criticised debate performance. She was defeated in the November election by
.
Had she won, Harris would have been the first woman and the first woman of color to become president of the US.
Simon & Schuster CEO Jonathan Karp declined to give details about what Harris will discuss in the book, including her views on Biden's fitness for office, but said Harris 'addresses everything we would want her to address.'
Simon & Schuster described the book as a 'page-turning account,' offering 'surprising and revealing insights.'
'Kamala Harris is a singular American leader,' Karp said in a statement. ''107 DAYS' captures the drama of running for president better than just about anything I've read. It's one of the best works of political nonfiction Simon & Schuster has ever published. It's an eyewitness contribution to history and an extraordinary story.'
Harris previously released 'The Truths We Hold: An American Journey' in 2019 through Penguin Books.
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Indian Express
42 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Tavleen Singh writes: Reform, reform, reform
From the moment that Donald Trump threw his tariff tantrum last week, a mood of gloomy patriotism started to spread across our ancient land. Debates on television became populated with angry panelists calling Trump a bully and an imperialist, and reminded him that India is a sovereign country that will not kowtow as we did when we depended on handouts of American grain to feed our 'starving millions'. Comparisons with the East India Company's brutal trading practices were invoked and influencers on social media wrapped themselves in the national flag and posted podcasts asserting that we are economically strong enough to withstand the 50% tariff that the American President has imposed on Indian imports. The Prime Minister made a speech the day after Trump's announcement in which he said that he would never betray our farmers. I am not sure why he made this about farmers and not Russian oil, but I am glad he did because it gives me a chance to urge him to bring about reforms that would make it easier for our farmers to compete in international markets. I know that farming reforms is a tricky subject because of the year-long agitation against his earlier attempts to reform agriculture, but let him keep in mind that farmers opposed those farm laws because they believed they would have helped corporations and not farmers. If a fresh attempt began with massive investment in cold storage chains that would help farmers prevent more than 70 per cent of fruit, flowers and vegetables from dying in the fields, it is hard to believe farmers would protest. Last time, the Prime Minister was misled by urban 'experts' who said he should ignore the protests because the only farmers protesting were 'rich' Punjabi farmers. The Russian word kulak was carelessly thrown around, ignoring the sad truth that only 20 per cent of Indian farmers grow enough food to sell in markets. Thanks to those well-meant but mistaken land reforms in Nehruvian socialist times, nearly 90 per cent of our farmers barely grow enough to feed their families. The stabbing in the back that Modi's ex-best friend has done could be turned into an opportunity to bring reforms in other sectors as well. Is the Prime Minister aware that the multi-layered GST (Goods and Services Tax) has destroyed many small businesses? They simply cannot afford to employ a consultant to explain to them the devious nuances that this supposedly simple tax contains. One example will suffice. If you are exporting chairs, there should be a fixed rate. Right? Wrong. If the chair has a cushioned seat, it gets transferred to another category. The tax has unleashed an inspector raj that rivals in ugly ways the old license raj. Modi seems to rely on bureaucrats a little too much, without noticing that this breed of Indian is interested much more in the perks and privileges of his job than in making it easier for businessmen to do business. Let us not delude ourselves into believing that it has become easier to do business in India than it used to be. It has not for a whole litany of reasons. Hiring and firing workers requires government permission for businesses that employ more than 300 people. The bankruptcy law seems designed to punish businesses that have gone bankrupt instead of helping revive them as is the case in more advanced countries. And, most important of all, why has there been no attempt at all to reform our decrepit justice system? It takes decades for rapists, murderers and terrorists to be brought to justice. Reform is not complicated, as a lawyer friend explained to me. To rid us of the horrendous backlog in our courts, he suggested a time limit for getting rid of old cases, and time limits on the length of trials and the disposal of appeals. He also suggested younger judges at the top. Another area in which urgent reforms are needed is urban planning. Last week we were reminded horribly that because of unplanned urbanisation in the Himalayas, whole villages and towns were swept away by the angry waters of the Bhagirathi. This happens every year. In the Prime Minister's own constituency, we watch as Varanasi turns into Venice annually when the rains come. Most cities share this fate, so they drown in dirty water and garbage in the monsoon, and north India becomes a gas chamber in winter. Modi reminds us often that under his leadership the Indian economy has gone from being number 11 in the world to number four and will soon be number three. It is a happy thought but let us not delude ourselves. If more than 80 per cent of our population needs subsidised food every month, it should be clear that we are not on the verge of mass prosperity. My point is that Modi should view this betrayal by his ex-best friend as a boon and not a catastrophe. It gives him a chance to go back to his old slogan, which I think went 'reform, perform, transform'. As for Trump and his insane trade war against India, will somebody remind him that this is the most pro-America country in the world. At least it used to be till last week. Hard to say if this will still be true by the end of this month if he goes ahead with his plan to impose that 50 per cent tariff on Indian imports.
Indian Express
42 minutes ago
- Indian Express
P Chidambaram writes: Bull(y) in India's shop
India had a Luddite attitude toward foreign trade, especially imports. Despite NAM, South-South, etc., we were wary of foreign countries in the matter of trade and foreign investment. We pulled down the shutters and refused to open them for four decades. We wrote the dreaded manuals for import and export: everything required licenses and permits. Most imports, and some exports, were 'canalised' through state-owned corporations. We had an officer called Chief Controller of Imports and Exports who had an army of officers spread throughout the country whose only business was to issue licenses for imports and exports. It was a profitable business. No one paused to ask the obvious question, 'Alright, we understand why we have a controller of imports, but why do we have a controller of exports?' The policy did not boost exports or build an export-oriented manufacturing sector or augment the foreign exchange reserves. Meanwhile, several countries, whose economies were at the same level as India's, opted for an open economy and allowed free trade, and became rich. A combination of factors brought the Indian economy to the edge of a financial crisis in 1990-91. India was forced to embrace economic reforms. Trade policy reforms, industrial policy reforms, and a focus on fiscal discipline pulled India back from the brink, and put the economy on a growth path. We lowered tariffs (the average was brought down to 12 per cent by 2013) and diluted non-tariff barriers. We signed GATT and became a member of the World Trade Organization. We signed Free Trade Agreements. We can confidently say that Indians have accepted that the economy must be an open economy. Shockingly, however, when developing countries have converted to an open economy, the original open economies have turned 'protectionist'. None more than the United States under President Donald Trump. Taking measures to stave off a temporary crisis is one thing, elevating protectionism to the status of official economic policy is another. Mr Trump is unapologetically in favour of high tariffs, opaque non-tariff measures, discouraging imports, balanced trade with every country, and threatening American companies not to locate their factories outside America. He believes that 'tariffs' will accomplish what he desires. He has brought into policy-making weird factors such as bias for Republican-leaning states, prejudice against Canada's leaders, false arguments like the American economy no longer creates new jobs for Americans, and bizarre claims that the burden of high tariffs will be borne by the exporters and not the American consumer. Mr Trump has dismissed proven economic truths such as factor disparities, specialisation, division of labour, supply chains, etc. Mr Trump has maniacally insisted that American companies must bring manufacturing back to America. He calls it re-shoring. The Harvard Business Review had an article titled 'Bringing Manufacturing Back to U.S. is Easier Said Than Done'. It said, 'the days are long gone when a single vertically-integrated manufacturer could design and manufacture all or most of the sub-assemblies and components it needs to make a finished product. Technology is just too complicated, and it is impossible to possess all the skills that are necessary in just one place.' Mr Jeffry Sachs described Mr Trump as an 'unsophisticated' person who does not and cannot understand the complexities of manufacturing in the 21st century. Mr Trump has weaponised tariffs to 'reward' countries that have keeled over (Australia, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea) and 'punish' countries that stood firm (Canada, France, United Kingdom, Brazil). India was in the 'undecided' column until Mr Trump imposed a steep tariff on steel, aluminium and copper, and a base tariff of 50 per cent on Indian goods (with some exemptions and a lagged effect) that included a penalty for buying Russian oil. India responded with 'we will take necessary measures'. India cannot, obviously, bend over. Nor does India need to be defiant. We must clearly declare our willingness to negotiate however long and painful the process may be. The laws of economics will force Mr Trump to reconsider his weaponisation of tariffs: high tariffs will increase prices of hundreds of goods that Americans consume, inflation will rise, American companies will drag their feet on re-shoring, jobs will not increase, and the US growth rate will inevitably slow down. The mid-term elections in 2026 may check the hubris of Mr Trump. Meanwhile, India cannot be a lazy exporter content with limited export products and few export markets. We must scrap the creeping controls on exporters. We must enlarge our basket of products. We must actively look for new markets that can absorb up to USD 45 billion of products (the value of goods we exported to the US in 2024-25). We must liberalise the rules for foreign direct investments. In the short term, we must offer incentives for exporters. We may consider adjusting the exchange rate to compensate the exporters although it will increase the cost of imports. All unnecessary imports could be temporarily curbed. The first lesson in foreign relations is, if one bends, kneels and crawls, one is bound to be kicked to the ground. Mr Modi forgot this lesson in his dosti with Mr Trump. Thankfully, there are signs of resistance. India must let America know that it will stand firm, defend its interests, be open to fair trade, and ready to negotiate and conclude agreements, however difficult the process may be.
Economic Times
42 minutes ago
- Economic Times
Trump's tech shift opens the way for India to do a UPI on AI
TIL Creatives President Trump In the cacophony created by tariffs and Trump, a singular announcement by the US did not get even a fraction of the attention it deserves. The advance warning was in January, when Donald Trump penned his illegible scrawl on Executive Order 14179— Removing Barriers to American Leadership in AI, which overturned Joe Biden's cautious AI months later on July 23, he followed it up with the main course by unveiling the AI Action Plan that outlined over 90 policy actions, heralding a no holds barred, full-throttle embrace of AI adventurism. It is a vision that prioritises computing power, private-sector leadership, and geopolitical dominance over the previous focus on ethical risks, AI safety, and algorithmic one fell stroke, the largest AI superpower has pivoted from caution to acceleration, replacing Biden-era guardrails with an innovation-first rests on three pillars: accelerating innovation, largely through deregulation; building national infrastructure, by streamlining permissions for data centres and AI research; and projecting US tech power globally, through export promotion and tighter control on announcement was accompanied by three executive orders. One of them was against 'woke AI', making the battle explicitly cultural; while the other slashed data centre red tape; and the third boosted exports of the American AI stack globally, pointing towards a strategy to create a global standard. The explosion of generative AI and ChatGPT had sparked a holy war between AI Boomers, who wanted unfettered expansion of AI, and the Doomers, who urged a careful, slower approach. With this order, it seems the former has scored a decisive this preference for breakneck speed has left many wondering: Where are the brakes? Even as there is something to be said for quickly building a technology which could have massive benefits for humanity across healthcare, education and climate, there is lots to worry about Noah Harari recently spoke about the trust paradox, where the AI superpowers do not trust one another and are racing to develop a powerful super intelligence before the other does, but are good to trust the AI the near term, this US move shifts AI's focus from how it affects society and humanity, to how it can dominate markets, create shareholder value, and pit one nation against is an explicit political aim to create bias, with its 'ideological neutrality' principle, and the US states are disincentivised to create their own guardrails with the threat to hold fast and breaking things is back in AI Action Plan is a tectonic event, and its reverberations will be spread from its Washington epicentre not only to Silicon Valley, but beyond to the rest of the world. The implications for India will be particularly interesting, not only as an emerging AI power but as a Global South leader, and the host of the next big global AI gathering – the AI Impact Summit in February 2026. These new policies might turbocharge Big TechAI development and their stock prices and accelerate startup and venture activity along with unbridled AI infrastructure the absence of regulatory guardrails could also expose society to increased misinformation, algorithmic harms and uncheckedcommercial surveillance. There is a very real risk that this economic acceleration could outpace ethical oversight, inviting public would also put the spotlight on Europe. There will be pressure on regulators to loosen up, with European startups threatening to decamp to the US. But then this is also a real, long-term opportunity for the EU to be the custodian of 'trustworthy AI'. China and its AI companies could be winners here. Countering the US' unilateral stance, China has started taking the position of AI inclusivity, by pushing open source AI models and announcing a global Shanghai Initiative to form a World AI Cooperation Organisation. DeepSeek and other models have already demonOrganisation. DeepSeek a models ready demonstrated that it is catching up on AI leadership with the US, and its open source, inclusive stance could win over more allies. However, the statist, centralised control exerted by the Chinese Communist Party, with a focus on surveillance and control will be a deterrent for many. For the rest of the world, particularly in the Global South, this divergence presents a dilemma on who to follow. It is here that there is a unique opportunity for India, to reject this binary choice, balance ambition with caution, and carve out a 'third way' that emphasises ethical innovation, inclusive infrastructure and co-created governance. India has many advantages here: the world's largest democ- racy and a leader of the Global South, a strong tech ecosystem, and a much admired model in its Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), which has effectively balanced innovation and social equity. I have written about this third way, what I call coined 'JanAI', where India leads with a DPI-like initiative to make AI and its applications a public good in India. Many countries are keen to emulate the DPI initiative; they will likely flock to a similar AI initiative is also an opportune coincidence that India is hosting the AI Impact Summit in 2026, the largest such gathering of AI emerge as a third pole, however, India must clarify its own AI stance, create a comprehensive AI regulatory framework, and make AI a 'national mission' as it did with the Green Revolution, population control, and, indeed, the DPI/DPG on AI for Good and AI for All, with ethical innovation, inclusive infrastructure, universal AI literacy and co-created governance with industry, academia and civil society will help it carve out this elusive 'middle path' and give it a legitimate platform to lead the rest of the technology, it is often said the US innovates, Europe regulates, China replicates, and, often, India the game has changed. Trump's AI policy may indeed propel the US into a dominant position, but there it could be at a great social cost. As AI becomes the foundational infrastructure of this century, the rules we write today will shape everything from elections to employment to existential risk. India, with its demographic scale, digital backbone and convening power in 2026, has a once-in-a-generation chance to help the world write those rules—not in Washington, Shanghai or Brussels, but in New Delhi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of
