
Real wage squeeze reinforces spending headwinds
Chiefly, unemployment would have lifted by more were it not for discouraged workers leaving the labour force. The labour force participation rate fell to a four-year low.
Youth unemployment and that of our largest city both hit highs not seen for more than 10 years. That's even as Otago printed a jobless rate of 2.9 percent (all rates seasonally adjusted). It's but the latest example of the southern outperformance story we've been running with for 18 months now.
One of the more obscure stats we're still digesting is the fact average hours worked per person, per week fell to the lowest level on record, excluding Covid-era volatility. It's not necessarily an ominous sign as it could reflect a whole bunch of goings on. But it adds to the sense from other indicators that there's heightened capacity even within the employed labour force. It could force additional layoffs should the work not start rolling in soon.
We think we're edging towards the top of the unemployment cycle, but it still risks nudging a little higher yet. We've pencilled in a peak rate of 5.3 percent. A return to economic growth over the second half of this year, if realised, should bring some additional jobs with it, but probably not enough in our view to soak up expected growth in the population.
The key takeaway is that prospects for a sustained labour market recovery still look like a story for next year not this. That's one of a few factors casting a pall over on the long-awaited lift in retail spending activity required to kick the broader recovery into gear.
Worth highlighting in this regard is that wage growth is coming off the boil at a time short-term inflation is going in the other direction. It's eco-chat for the cost-of-living strains being widely felt. Most of the wage measures released in Q2 (and there are lots), showed the gap between wage growth and inflation being squeezed further.
Two of the better wage growth measures we'll focus on here are, first, the Labour Cost Index (LCI), which is adjusted to reflect the cost of labour to complete a certain job to a consistent standard. It controls for the impact of the likes of promotions and productivity that are present in the second measure – the 'unadjusted' LCI. Basically, the first is a pure wage inflation measure, the second a closer approximation to the wage adjustments the average worker receives.
The decline in June quarter LCI wage inflation, to 2.4 percent year on year, means it is now back below the 2.7 percent annual inflation reported for the same quarter. That ends five quarters' worth of modest inflation-adjusted wage gains.
The 'unadjusted' LCI suggests growth in worker compensation is still running ahead of inflation. Although, perhaps tellingly, not so a simple measure of 'essentials' inflation. Our approximation of the latter is based on petrol, energy, food, and rates.
Quarterly rates of change in prices and wages are one thing, but for the average consumer, the cumulative change over time probably matters more. The purchasing power lost in a bout of inflation can be felt long after said inflation has subsided.
Looking at ratios of wages to prices gives a sense of how the relativities have travelled over the past few years. The chart below indexes wage/price ratios back to 2017 levels.
The inflation-adjusted (i.e. 'real') LCI wage index remains below where it was prior to the inflation spike of 2021/22. As noted earlier, this measure is more reflective of wage growth for a standardised job than that of an individual. The real 'unadjusted' LCI index – a measure more closely aligned to growth in labour earnings – has only just clawed its way back to where it was five years ago.
The flattish picture for aggregate real wage growth of course just formalises what's been clear for consumers in the supermarket aisles or paying the bills for some time. There will also be a lot of demographic variation around these numbers. Such are the masking effects of top-line macro statistics.
Wages are not the only way households can earn income or accumulate wealth. But when we pull in some of the broader trackers of such the above 'flat' conclusion remains.
Statistics NZ's comprehensive but admittedly dated household disposable income figures show inflation-adjusted growth in all household income sources dipped back into the negative in March. We'd be surprised if the June quarter was any different. Meanwhile, household net wealth has flat-lined since late 2021 as the uplift from financial assets has been offset by non-financial (read: housing) assets.
Pulling all the threads together, it's not hard to see why household spending remains under strain. But what of the outlook?
In the short term, it's difficult to foresee much in the way of relief. Our forecasts are for wage growth to ease a little further, and for CPI inflation to rise to a peak of 3 percent in the third quarter. Combined, that's clearly directionally unhelpful for inflation-adjusted incomes. It's another headwind in behind the many others bearing down on retail spending.
The 'good' news, perhaps, is that consumer confidence is already so supressed that additional compression in real wage growth may not impose any additional weight on spending appetites. That is, maybe consumers saw it coming? There's a hint of this in the loose correlations in the chart below.
From the final quarter of this year some improvement in real wages is anticipated as the short-term spike up in inflation starts to unwind. The long-await cash release from the current period of mortgage re-fixing will also be providing some assistance.
But we're still left nursing continued downside risk on the lift in household spending that we (and others like the Reserve Bank) are forecasting for the coming 12 months (forecast tables at back). Certainly, consumer confidence needs to lift a long way from here for these forecasts to have any hope of panning out. The analysis above suggests that might take some time.
It's increasingly clear that the wobbling economic upturn needs a little more help from interest rates. We thus maintain our view that the Official Cash Rate will head sub-3 percent this year with 25bps cuts seen in both August and October. Markets are increasingly coming around to this view boosting the odds we see additional falls in short-term retail interest rates.
Disclaimer: This publication has been produced by Bank of New Zealand (BNZ). This publication accurately reflects the personal views of the author about the subject matters discussed, and is based upon sources reasonably believed to be reliable and accurate. The views of the author do not necessarily reflect the views of BNZ. No part of the compensation of the author was, is, or will be, directly or indirectly, related to any specific recommendations or views expressed. The information in this publication is solely for information purposes and is not intended to be financial advice. If you need help, please contact BNZ or your financial adviser. Any statements as to past performance do not represent future performance, and no statements as to future matters are guaranteed to be accurate or reliable. To the maximum extent permissible by law, neither BNZ nor any person involved in this publication accepts any liability for any loss or damage whatsoever which may directly or indirectly result from any, opinion, information, representation or omission, whether negligent or otherwise, contained in this publication.

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NZ Herald
14 hours ago
- NZ Herald
This isn't a housing market meltdown, it's a full-blown crash
The average home value in New Zealand has fallen more than 13% from its Covid-era peak, according to the latest QV House Price Index. That average is flattered by the relative stability in Canterbury and few other Southern regions like Queenstown, Southland and the West Coast. Christchurch City's average home values are just 0.2% lower than the nationwide peak. Prices in those other regions are actually above the nationwide peak in 2022. Meanwhile, in Auckland and Wellington, there has been a wipeout on a scale that used to panic the Reserve Bank when it imagined catastrophic scenarios to stress test the financial system. Values in Auckland now sit 19.7% below the nationwide peak of January 2022. Home values in Wellington City are 27.3% below the nationwide market peak. This housing slump is certainly worse than the Global Financial Market Crisis in 2008. After the GFC the average national house price fell about 5%. Economists Arthur Grimes and Sean Hyland (from Motu Economic and Public Policy Research) did some work which showed that in real (inflation-adjusted) terms, house prices fell 15.3% between 2007 and 2011. On the same basis, the last three years in Auckland and Wellington would represent not just a slump, but a serious crash. Infometrics chief forecaster Gareth Kiernan noted this week that at the same stage of the last two major property cycles (13 quarters after the December 1997 and December 2007 peaks, respectively) house prices were only 2% and 5.5% below those respective peaks. Okay, we should acknowledge that the peak in 2022 was exaggerated and artificially inflated by Covid stimulus. Sure, you can call it a phoney boom. But that doesn't make it any less real for those who bought houses at peak and now find themselves in a worrying position of having negative equity – or worse – facing a mortgagee sale. Numbers out from property data firm Cotality last week showed the number of people making losses when they sell their homes is at the highest level since 2014, with Auckland sellers being hit particularly hard. Homeowners also have short memories. We should factor Covid stimulus gains into our maths when we consider our relative wealth. But we don't. The hit to consumer confidence and retail spending is all too real. And unfortunately, while some regions are recovering, I don't think the Wellington and Auckland markets are about to turn around. The REINZ house price index, which came out on Thursday, fell by 0.5% in seasonally adjusted terms in July. That was led by a chunky 1.2% fall in Auckland. Looking at those numbers, Westpac senior economist Michael Gordon noted that Auckland's stock of unsold homes on the market has been rising again in recent months (in contrast to the rest of the country). A slump of this size used to be the stuff of nightmares for the Reserve Bank (RBNZ). A decade ago, when house price rises were in overdrive, the RBNZ ran stress tests that looked at the impact of house price falls of both 20% and 30% on the banking system. The concerns it had about banking industry risk led to the development of stricter lending criteria – devices like loan-to-value ratios (which limit the amount of lending banks can do to customers with low levels of equity) and debt-to-income ratios (which limit lending based on the ability to service payments). It's fair to say they did the job. Banks have survived this historic downturn unscathed. Hooray, thank goodness all those Aussie shareholders aren't suffering, I hear you say. Sarcasm (and big profits) aside, it is good for all of us that the financial system has stayed strong. We all know who'd be doing the bailing out if the banks started collapsing. The bad news is that the wider economy hasn't coped as well as the banks. We are clearly, as the RBNZ and many others (including myself) warned, overly reliant on the property market to bolster our economic growth. Aucklanders in particular have lived on the sugar high of rising property prices for too long. Now we're going cold turkey. Property values have become the biggest driver of consumer confidence. And so much of Auckland's small business economy is built around property-related services: building, renovation, driveways, roofing, pools, sheds, landscaping, and interior decorating and more. The city doesn't have the manufacturing sector it once did, and the tourism sector is still struggling to get back to pre-Covid levels. If there is an upside to this long, painful process, it is that it may drive a much-needed cultural shift around property in Auckland. The city needs to push harder to develop other drivers for economic growth. We do have a growing tech sector, and there's a movie and video games industry. But as much as we want to be a smart, innovative economy, these sectors aren't coming to the rescue fast enough. The idea of an extended property sector downturn that helps revitalise the productive is nice in theory. But in the real world it may involve too much pain and risks long-term damage to the economy. We should be hoping to find some sort of middle ground. We don't want to see a bungy-like bounce from bust to boom and then another bust. But we need some growth back in the property sector. There needs to be some motivation for construction companies to keep building, and we need the economic shot in the arm that housing market confidence can deliver. I'm optimistic that we might find the sweet spot this time. We are yet to see the full benefits flow through from the Official Cash Rate cuts we've already had. We can also expect rates to go lower. Another 25 basis point cut is looking like a dead cert when the RBNZ meets next Wednesday. After that, economists are divided between optimists who think that will be it and pessimists who think we'll need another one or even two cuts by the end of the year. Growth will eventually return as borrowing costs fall. But the prospects of another housing market boom in Auckland look very distant. Liam Dann is business editor at large for the New Zealand Herald. He is a senior writer and columnist, as well as presenting and producing videos and podcasts. He joined the Herald in 2003.


NZ Herald
2 days ago
- NZ Herald
Letters: You can't exempt GST from food; Ardern should stand at the podium of accountability
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It is Hamas who is still holding 50 hostages in underground tunnels and subjecting them to mental and physical deprivation. It is Hamas who announced that they do not care how many of their people die so long as Israel is made to look guilty of genocide. It is Hamas who has continually refused to come to any agreement with Israel. I am neither Jewish nor Islamic but I do read the Herald and watch the news. Jill Kouremetis, Waitākere. Covid-19 inquiry Thomas Coughlan does us a favour in astutely weighing the pros and cons of requiring Ardern and members of her cabinet to attend an open session of the second stage of the Covid-19 inquiry. But he ends his piece on a pessimistic note – namely, that both parties are guilty of setting up inquiries to find fault with their political opponents' time in office. 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If we fail to retain the integrity and public trust for public inquiries, then we will have lost one of the best options we have for ensuring good government. Emeritus Professor Peter Davis, Auckland. Politicising Royal Commissions A timely warning by Herald political editor Thomas Coughlan about the dangers of politicising Royal Commissions. The terms of reference of the current Covid-19 inquiry, keeping the timeline from February 2021 to October 2022 to spare Winston Peters being called, is a case in point. So is all the controversy over Jacinda Ardern and her fellow ex-ministers for not appearing in person and answering questions privately instead. If one government can use such an inquiry as a way of effectively putting former government ministers on public trial, then so can another. Labour administrations have not been shy about this either in the past. 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A quick word The same degree of compulsion that locked down the team of five million from the 'podium of truth' should be applied to the squad of four – Ardern, Robertson, Hipkins and Verrall – to front up at the podium of accountability in person. Mike Wagg, Freemans Bay. Talk about third world, how absurd to read that a prison is to be air conditioned while a hospital nearby is not. Surely one would think that the likes of schools and hospitals would be at the top of the list for that? Prisons are getting better by the day it seems and soon won't be too far below a hotel standard if that continues. Paul Beck, West Harbour. All those that have not responded to an invitation to submit to Royal Commission on Covid. Why have a commission? You and I survived and we can thank the government for our closure. It is always good to look back in hindsight but at the time we were in the dark as was the rest of the world. How many invitations have you responded, 'sorry but no'? Dennis Manson, Unsworth Heights. Given the reputation many police forces across the globe for violence and corruption, I was rather hoping that, following the tragic death of an alleged offender in Christchurch, Mark Mitchell would rate our own as being somewhat above 'world class'. The phrase 'world class' itself in today's ever-changing world doesn't really fill one with a great deal of confidence. Our country should strive to be better than 'world class', because we can be when we want to be. Jeremy Coleman, Hillpark. This week there was another media report of angry adults making their way onto the grounds of a high school, causing a lockdown. Such incursions seem to be increasing, often sparked by feuding comments on social media. These actions are frightening for students and staff who are the focus of these people, and those who witness them. Schools are supposed to be safe places for children, and classrooms are the domain of teachers. 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NZ Herald
2 days ago
- NZ Herald
Covid-19 pandemic handling returns to headlines, with Labour under scrutiny
What truly put the wind at the Government's back this week was the unexpected exhumation of half-buried relics from the Covid era – a period Labour may prefer was left entombed in the sediment of public amnesia. The first, was last Thursday's Treasury Long Term Insights Briefing (LTIB). The report was actually into how best to manage economic shocks: should the Government spend up, or leave it to the Reserve Bank? Treasury reckoned managing shocks was mostly best left to the Reserve Bank – a conclusion it published in a draft report some months ago. What was new were details of Treasury's advice to the former Government of its advice during the pandemic. Two short sections in particular noted that Treasury advised the last Government to ease up on the stimulus in 2022, and another section detailed the consequences of this: a large structural deficit and risks of inflation. With Finance Minister Nicola Willis off in London, exchanging knowing grimaces with Chancellor Rachel Reeves over their mutually dreadful fiscal headaches – left-right ideological niceties be damned – it was Bishop's opportunity to don the acting finance minister cap and have lobbed at him volley after volley of low patsy questions on the report, giving him ample opportunity to sermonise on Labour's alleged fiscal sins. Bishop first cleared his blocked throat during the very first question of the week on Tuesday, Labour leader Chris Hipkins, pointedly interjecting that this was clearly 'audition number one' for Luxon's job. Hipkins wasn't wrong about it being 'number one'. Come Wednesday, it was Nancy Lu's turn to take to her feet and ask Bishop what economic reports he'd been reading, to which he replied he was not yet done with Treasury's gripping LTIB. On Thursday, the lucky backbencher was Catherine Wedd, who asked the same question: what reports had the minister (officially Willis, but in practice, Bishop) been reading on the state of the economy. Bishop replied, 'Oh, I haven't been able to stop reading Treasury's long-term insights briefing.' Another MP, Tom Rutherford piped up, 'What did it say?' Bishop replied, testing the limits of MPs' obligation to be truthful in the House, 'it's a great read'. It's not a bad parliamentary tactic: Grant Robertson often used it to highlight his successes and the Opposition's shortcomings. Bishop's effort this week worked wonders in cheering an otherwise gloomy backbench. In Question Time this week Chris Bishop revealed a passion for reading Treasury documents. Photo / Mark Mitchell Willis and Bishop have done a clever job in giving the impression Treasury's LTIB was mostly about slamming Labour for the Covid response – it's true, that's what's new in the final version vis-a-vis the earlier draft, but overall, the backward-looking part of the report is a small part of the whole. Labour's responses are as interesting as the report itself. Leader Chris Hipkins dismissed it as 'spin', former Robertson staffers Craig Renney and Toby Moore had more detailed critiques. Renney, posting to his Substack, quoted Michael Cullen to describe report as an 'ideological burp' and decided to skewer the conclusion that managing economic cycles was primarily the job of the Reserve Bank. In Renney's view, the whole government is responsible for managing the economic cycle. If this is left to just the Reserve Bank, its focus on inflation would mean that other, distributional impacts become neglected. Hammering inflation somewhere means hammering the economy everywhere. To be fair to Treasury, its report does briefly touch on fiscal policy's ability and obligation to smooth the bluntness of monetary policy. That's worth pursuing in more detail, particularly given the experience New Zealand had during the pandemic, in which the Reserve Bank's money-printing played arsonist to the housing market, before the bank guiltily and belatedly doused the inferno in a series of rate rises so blunt in their asphyxiating cruelty they cast thousands on to the dole queue, and shunted thousands more into the airport departure lounge. Moore's piece, published in the Herald, was more of a right of reply to Treasury. He resurfaced papers he first received as a staffer in Robertson's office and which were subsequently published in the Herald to note that as late as Budget 2023, Treasury was still advising Robertson to spend yet more money – not on Covid stimulus, but via his operating allowance, the pot of money to fund ongoing cost increases in departments and to pay for new things, like removing the $5 prescription charge in that Budget. In that Budget, Robertson actually spent slightly less than Treasury told him, not more. In that Budget, as for all of Robertson's Covid Budgets, the advice to spend more was consistent with the economic forecasts continually being revised in the right direction. This meant more money flowing in, allowing the Government to spend more money while returning to surplus in a creditable timeframe. The trouble with these forecasts is that they were wrong – and badly wrong. The economy did not grow nearly as much as hoped, tax revenue fell – and the effect was compounded, tax revenue as a share of the smaller economy was smaller than forecast too. The spending still happened, but we're still waiting on the money to pay for it. There were, then, two obvious flaws, given just passing detail in Treasury's report: the first is that Treasury's forecasts were badly wrong, the second was that Robertson did not show enough caution when he relied upon Treasury to put his Budgets together. That telling of the story is no less interesting to either side, but it has a different moral lesson: the solution to the fiscal problem really is, as Willis says, growth. If the economy had grown to where Treasury earlier forecast it would grow to, we'd be in surplus and reducing the debt ratio by now. A Treasury graph plotting which fiscal years have run counter- and pro-cyclically. Graph / Treasury Treasury quietly dropped another paper this week – this time by one of its economists, with the usual disclaimer that it does not necessarily represent the views of Treasury as an organisation. It pondered whether governments were running pro-cyclical or counter-cyclical fiscal policies, with the latter generally preferred because it allows the Government to moderate the economic cycle. Cullen gets the biscuit for running the most counter-cyclical budgets, Bill English and Steven Joyce get good marks too. Robertson's first term gets a pass, but not the second. The report only goes up to the fiscal year 2024, which was the year of a Labour Budget and National mini-Budget, but some back-of-the-envelope maths from the Budget Economic and Fiscal Update would suggest the Budgets for the last and the current fiscal years will be counter-cyclical – the first since 2019, a cautious vote of confidence in approval to Willis' economic management. The week ended on another blast from the past. The Covid-19 Royal Commission announced Labour ministers would not be appearing before the inquiry in person. Labour itself only found out the commission was going to announce this change a few minutes before it did so – the coalition seemed to have more warning, with each of the three parties putting out damning press releases shortly afterwards. Polling shows the public is clearly on the coalition's side and wants the ministers to appear, but they won't. The refusal led the news for 24 hours and is a good reminder to Labour the public haven't put the pandemic to bed quite as much as the party would like. Labour is proud of its Covid record but the fact the ministers won't appear in public allows the Opposition to argue, with some conviction, that perhaps Labour actually isn't – and its Covid record, particularly on economic matters, is really as embarrassing as the Opposition would like the public to believe. It's a dilemma for the Labour ministers, some of whom probably wouldn't mind appearing and defending themselves. One of the ex-ministers probably will be appearing in public in the near future – and, unlike Jacinda Ardern, will probably spend a lot of that time talking about Covid and money: Robertson's memoir Anything Could Happen is out later this month. There's a good chance some of these questions will get an airing in any promotional tour, and the book itself.