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Knowledge Nugget: Why Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Non-Cooperation Movement matter for UPSC prep

Knowledge Nugget: Why Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Non-Cooperation Movement matter for UPSC prep

Indian Express01-08-2025
Take a look at the essential concepts, terms, quotes, or phenomena every day and brush up on your knowledge. Here's your knowledge nugget on Bal Gangadhar Tilak and the Non-Cooperation Movement.
(Relevance: UPSC has asked questions on important historical personalities, especially related to India's freedom struggle. You can check UPSC Mains special on questions asked on India's freedom struggle. In 2025, UPSC Prelims had two questions directly on Non-Cooperative Movement, making both the topic crucial for your exam.)
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, popularly known as Lokmanya Tilak, died on August 1, 1920. This year marked the 105th death anniversary. He was born on July 23, 1856, at Ratnagiri, Maharashtra. Mahatma Gandhi has called him 'the Maker of Modern India', and Jawaharlal Nehru described him as 'the Father of the Indian Revolution'.
1. A lawyer, scholar, and journalist, Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890. Initially, his stance was not very different from that of the Congress, of demanding reforms and more rights for Indians, but not necessarily a total revolution.
2. Gayatri Pagdi, in her book 'Lokmanya Tilak- The First National Leader', has called him the first national leader who transcended provinces, communities, and languages to establish himself in the hearts of millions.
3. Tilak has authored several influential works. In 1881, Tilak, along with G G Agarkar, founded the newspapers 'Kesari' (in Marathi) and 'Mahratta' in English, and used them to spread nationalist resistance against British rule. He has also written Geeta Rahasya,Orion, The Arctic Home of the Vedas and many more.
4. Tilak was in firm conviction that the autonomy of the Hindu society should not be disturbed by the Colonial government's regulation. He officially opposed the Age of Consent Bill which sought to increase the age of consent from ten to twelve for young girls.
5. In 1893, he started the new tradition of worshipping Ganpati as a community festival where patriotic songs would be sung and nationalist ideas would be propagated. Through his writings, fiery speeches, and organisational nous, Tilak encouraged and advocated bringing the Ganesh festival into the public sphere.
6. To further the cause of nationalist resistance, Tilak started the Shivaji festival in 1896. The aim was to inspire nationalist ideas among young Maharashtrians. That same year, he organised a campaign in Maharashtra to boycott foreign cloth to protest the imposition of an excise duty on cotton.
7. For this, he has been criticised for giving the freedom struggle a communal shade and for his conservative stand on women's emancipation and caste reforms. But in the words of Gandhi, 'No man preached the gospel of Swaraj with the consistency and the insistence of Lokmanya'.
8. Along with Lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal, Tilak became part of the Lal Bal Pal troika, which advocated complete freedom from the British as the goal, and the pursuit of unconstitutional means, including violence, to attain that goal.
9. The chasm between the moderates and the extremists widened, and the Congress eventually split in 1907. 'When the moderates believed that politics need not enter the issue of swadeshi, Tilak told them that swadeshi and nationalism could not be separated from each other', wrote Pagdi.
The Lokmanya was tried for sedition three times and was imprisoned twice.
1. In 1897, he was charged with sedition for 'exciting and attempting to excite feelings of disaffection to Government by the publication of certain articles…in (his newspaper) the Kesari in its issue of the 15th June 1897'. He was sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment. He was represented by DD Davar.
2. In April 1908, the teenage revolutionaries Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki accidentally killed two European women in Muzaffarpur in a bomb attack targeting the British magistrate Douglas Kingsford. Chaki shot himself before he could be arrested; Bose was arrested and hanged.
3. Tilak published a strong defence of the revolutionaries in Kesari and was promptly arrested on charges of sedition. He was represented by MA Jinnah. But his application for bail was rejected and he was sentenced to six years. Interestingly, Justice DD Davar, who was the judge in this case, had represented him in his first trial in 1897.
4. In July of the same year (1908), Tilak was accused of 'bringing into hatred and contempt, and exciting disloyalty and feelings of enmity toward His Majesty and the Government ' through his writings in Kesari. Tilak refused a lawyer and chose to plead his own case. During his defence, he vociferously attacked the charge of sedition.
5. Tilak was released from a six-year prison term in Mandalay in 1914, and plunged back into political life. By 1916, he had rejoined the Congress, signed the Lucknow Pact with Muhammad Ali Jinnah to find a way for Hindus and Muslims to work together.
6. He founded the All India Home Rule League with GS Khaparde and Annie Besant. It was in 1916, in Belgaum in Karnataka, that Tilak is believed to have uttered his famous words of Swaraj being a birthright.
1. On August 1, 1920, Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation (Asahayog) Movement against the government. Its aims were to force further concessions from the British government by organizing the boycotting of the legislative councils, courts and schools, and other symbolic acts. It was the first mass movement organized nationwide during India's struggle for freedom.
2. The non-violent movement, inspired by Gandhi's satyagraha campaign, degenerated into violence and was called off by Gandhi himself in February 1922 after the murder of a number of policemen by a mob at Chauri Chaura in the United Provinces.
3. In his An Autobiography, first published in 1936, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote how he and other leaders of the national movement, then in prison, had heard 'to our amazement and consternation, that Gandhiji had stopped the aggressive aspects of our struggle, that he had suspended civil resistance…when we seemed to be consolidating our position'.
4. This made them 'angry', Nehru wrote, 'but our disappointment and anger in prison could do little good to any one'. Other leaders like Motilal Nehru, C R Das, and Subhas Bose too, recorded their bewilderment at Gandhi's decision.
5. The Mahatma on his part, justified himself on grounds of his unshakeable faith in non-violence: 'I would suffer every humiliation, every torture, absolute ostracism and death itself to prevent the movement from becoming violent.'
(1) Bal Gangadhar Tilak was associated with: (UPSC CAPF 2015)
1. Poona Sarvajinik Sabha
2. The Age of Consent Bill
3. Gaurakshini Sabha
4. Atmiya Sabha
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
(a) 1 and 2 only
(b) 1, 2 and 4
(c) 3 and 4
(d) 2 and 4 only
(2) Consider the following statements concerning the Non-Cooperation Movement: (UPSC CSE 2025)
I. The Congress declared the attainment of 'Swaraj' by all legitimate and peaceful means to be its objective.
II. It was to be implemented in stages, with civil disobedience and non-payment of taxes for the next stage only if 'Swaraj' did not come within a year and the Government resorted to repression.
Which of the above statements is/are correct?
(a) I only
(b) II only
(c) Both I and II
(d) Neither I nor II
(Sources: This Quote Means: On Tilak's birth anniversary, a look at 'Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it', Explained: What Tilak, Gandhi and Nehru said about IPC Section 124A, the law on sedition, How Bal Gangadhar Tilak made the worship of Lord Ganesh a grand community festival, Explained: Chauri Chaura, freedom struggle signpost from 100 years ago)
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It may be argued that India consistently supported Cyprus's unity and integration. It is a fact that Cyprus occupies an important position in the Eastern Mediterranean region and constantly faces a threat from Turkey. In this context, one can see India and Cyprus' strategic cooperation. One may add here that Cyprus is strategically located and emerging as a major energy connectivity hub. Apart from this, the IMEC corridor also passes through Cyprus. Looking at the strategic significance of Cyprus, it can be stated that India also has a vital stake in Cyprus. The visit of Prime Minister Modi in June 2025 has also augmented India-Cyprus relations to a great extent. The Joint Statement issued after the end of the visit of Prime Minister Modi to Cyprus highlighted 'Unequivocally condemned terrorism and violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations, including international and cross-border terrorism, and reaffirmed their shared commitment to countering hybrid threats that undermine peace and stability'. At the economic front, both countries underlined 'Viewing IMEC as a catalyst for constructive regional cooperation, they reiterated their shared commitment to promoting stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and the wider Middle East and emphasized the importance of fostering deeper engagement and corridors of interconnection from the Indian peninsula through the wider Middle East to Europe'. Over the years, Cyprus has consistently supported India's counter-terrorism measures. Along with this, Cyprus also supported India's position on Kashmir at various forums, including at the United Nations (UN). Cyprus also supported India's Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. Over the years, Cyprus has also shown keenness to purchase India's defence equipment. Along with defence, technological cooperation, sustainable development, blue economy, etc, are some of the key aspects which were discussed during Prime Minister Modi's visit to Cyprus in June 2025. One major issue that gained prominence in recent years was the further institutionalisation of economic cooperation among India, Cyprus and Greece. The formation of the India–Greece–Cyprus (IGC) Business and Investment Council can be stated as the first step in the direction of trilateral relations between the three countries. Along with Cyprus, India has also strengthened its relations with Greece in recent years and turned into a 'Strategic Partnership' in August 2023. The visit of Prime Minister Modi to Greece in August 2023, followed by Prime Minister of Greece Kyriakos Mitsotakis's return visit to India in February 2024, adds a new milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries. It may be noted that India shares both historical and civilizational relations with Greece. In this context, one can see how both countries can benefit from each other's cooperation. Like Cyprus, Greece also occupies a vantage point on the Mediterranean Coast. Hence, it can act as a 'gateway' to reach out to the European as well as the Mediterranean countries. This adds much weight to India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this part of the world. It is also a fact that, like Cyprus, Greece also supports India at the various international forums, including at the UN. Greece also supported India when India conducted Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. At the same time, India and Greece have also conducted Joint Naval as well as Air defence exercises in 2024, known as 'Tarang-2024' exercises in September. 2024. The strengthening of cultural relations as well as economic relations will add much substance to the strategic cooperation between India and Greece. Similarly, Turkey is also posing a substantial security threat to Greece. Territorial and maritime zone dispute, especially in the Aegean Sea, is one of the thorniest issues between the two countries. There are a number of reports which suggest that over the years, the radical Islamist regime of Turkey under Erdogan has been mulling hostile moves, including military aggression against Greece, to take over the Greek territories. This is happening despite the fact that both countries of the Mediterranean are part of Nato. It is in this context; one can envisage stronger military coordination between India and Greece in the Mediterranean region to checkmate the challenge being posed by Turkey. Greece is also seeking an interest in the Indo-Pacific corridor, in which it seeks India's cooperation. It is a fact that Greece is emerging as a reliable strategic partner of India in the Mediterranean region. Similarly, the formation of the India-Cyprus-Greece trilateral economic grouping can be translated into a regional security grouping with the inclusion of Armenia (a Caucasus country) and Israel in the long run. This will add much substance to the Mediterranean regional security complex. A report being published by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) titled India and Mediterranean Nations: Crossroads of Commerce, published in September 2024, vividly outlines India's economic engagement in this part of the world. The report outlines how India, being one of the largest economies in the world, has a positive role to play in the economic dynamics of the world. As the above report of CII suggests, India's trading with Mediterranean countries is to the tune of $76.2 billion, which is to the extent of 6.8 per cent of its total trade. The report further underlined that the European Mediterranean countries constitute the largest trading partner of India, with a trading volume of $55.9 billion. The report has also further highlighted India's trade engagement with the West Asian and North African parts of the Mediterranean region. The report further highlights the new areas of cooperation, like circular economy, blue economy, digital payment, green hydrogen, joint cooperation in defence manufacturing, etc, are some of the areas of cooperation. Thus, looking at both the strategic developments of the Mediterranean region as well as India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this region, one can add here that this region provides challenges as well as opportunities. While at the geo-economic front, this region offers market as well as strategic connectivity along with resources, but on the other hand, Turkey is posing a strong threat to India's security. Hence, there is a need for Indian policy makers to tread a cohesive as well as pragmatic policy towards this strategic region. As discussed earlier, the structural geopolitical factors like the US and EU engagement, Russia and EU relations, along with the nature of volatility in the trade relations among these countries, are likely to shape India's Mediterranean policy. Along with these external factors, both geopolitical logic and geo-economic dynamics are shaping India-Mediterranean relations. Looking at some of the above developments, the following inferences can be drawn from the above analysis. These are: The geopolitical complexity of the Mediterranean region is partly accentuated by its strategic location, resources, as well as the role of external actors. The new geopolitical reconfiguration is associated largely with the role of external powers like the US, Russia, and China, which are shaping the strategic dynamics of the region. India has deep-rooted historical, geo-strategic and geo-economic linkages that actually provide the foundation for building a cohesive, resilient and pragmatic policy towards the Mediterranean region. In recent years, Indian foreign policy has looked towards the region in a more realist sense. The same can be evident from New Delhi's move to beef up its presence in the region through the IMEC corridor as well as through maritime connectivity. There is a need to augment India's naval presence on the Mediterranean coast. This will give New Delhi a strategic manoeuvrability in influencing the geopolitical development of the region. India and Mediterranean countries can foster cooperation in the fields of science, technology, defence, agriculture, climate change, renewable energy, health, and trade. Conclusion The Mediterranean region is in a state of geopolitical flux, largely due to its strategic location as well as geo-economic significance as a major connectivity corridor in global geopolitics. It is in this context that India should take full advantage of the complex geopolitical situation of the Mediterranean region by forging a closer partnership with Israel, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and the European Mediterranean countries. Trade, resources, culture, technology, and connectivity are some of the key areas of cooperation between India and the Mediterranean countries. It is a fact that the IMEC corridor is in a state of geopolitical impasse largely due to the onset of conflict in West Asia and the North African region, as well as in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Similarly, the trade and tariff impasse between India and the US, though, may slow down the implementation of the project, but one can envisage that once the issue is resolved, then IMEC may revitalise itself. Similarly, India can use Greece and Cyprus as a stepping up base for encircling Turkey. It is a fact that over the years, Turkey and Pakistan have been hobnobbing with each other along with Azerbaijan, which is impacting India's national security. Thus, India can also form a new trilateral cooperation along with Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Armenia, in forming a new strategic alliance in the Mediterranean sub-region. This will give a new strategic dimension to India's Mediterranean policy. The trilateral economic cooperation involving India, Cyprus and Greece is already operational and may provide further impetus to the Mediterranean sub-regional economic cooperation To sum up, India needs a robust foreign policy towards the Mediterranean region. By engaging more pragmatically with Mediterranean countries, particularly with the European countries, as well as Russia, India can balance both the US and China. The author teaches at the School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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