
The Evolution of India's Strategic Forces Command
Since its inception, the SFC has made significant progress. It has evolved from a nascent organization with fewer resources to a larger force. However, the command's 22-year journey has remained shrouded in secrecy. The article is therefore an attempt to document the SFC's journey, including newly inducted systems and storage sites, and how its operationalization has enhanced India's nuclear deterrent capabilities.
The SFC became fully operational with the induction of a nuclear delivery system – the Prithvi-II missile in 2003. Following this, the SFC inducted the Agni-I in 2007, and since then, various other land-based missile systems have become part of the Command, including the Agni-I, Agni-II, Agni-III, and Agni-IV. Agni-Prime, which the SFC has already tested on many occasions as part of user trials, will also become operational, along with the Agni-V variant capable of carrying only a single warhead. These missiles are part of regular army missile units, which indicates that the SFC is a joint custodian of land-based nuclear delivery systems.
In the case of aerial assets, the Indian Air Force had hesitated to hand over its jets solely to the SFC, citing a lack of adequate combat fighters. Instead, it offered 'dual-tasked fighters' as an alternative. The agreement was based on the proposal that the Air Force would maintain operational control over a specific number of dual-role aircraft, such as Jaguars, Mirage-2000s, and Su-30 MKIs, under normal circumstances. However, during nuclear strike missions, the SFC would take full control of these dual-use systems.
An important question remains: whether these aircraft will conduct routine air-to-air and air-to-ground missions during a crisis, or be reserved solely for nuclear launches, with some performing conventional roles. Depending on the air base, those aircraft that have been assigned a nuclear role will be stored in protected or underground shelters to ensure survivability.
According to public sources, the SFC has at least 40 modified Su-30MKIs to launch dual-capable BrahMos missiles for nuclear missions. The aircraft can be assigned to a nuclear role because the IAF already operates over 270 Su-30MKIs. Integrating a nuclear warhead is possible with BrahMos because, as per sources, India has developed a fission device of 12-15 kilotons, which weighs under 200 kg. An air-launched version of the BrahMos system can carry a 300 kg warhead.
The SFC's role in operating India's nuclear-capable ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs), which are responsible for carrying and launching the country's sea-based nuclear weapons, remains unclear. India currently has three SSBNs: two – INS Arihant and INS Arighat – are operational, while INS Aridhaman is expected to join the fleet soon. At present, only submerged platforms can deliver nuclear weapons payloads. Scholars have claimed that India's SSBNs will remain solely under the operational command of the SFC. The SSBNs will only have nuclear warheads mated with onboard submarine-launched ballistic missiles in times of crisis, which the SFC defines not as a situation of live conflict, but when defense officials believe there is a high possibility of military escalation with either Pakistan or China.
With the arrival of 26 Rafale-M aircraft from France, India's indigenous naval aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, which will house them, is likely to carry nuclear warheads onboard. This is possible because the Rafale can be modified for nuclear missions. According to sources, France has still not provided source codes to the Indian military, which would allow India to deploy indigenous weapons systems on the aircraft. However, the strategic partnership between France and India suggests that, in the future, changing geopolitical circumstances might lead Paris to permit New Delhi to integrate nuclear weapons with Rafales. In that scenario, it is a possibility that the SFC will also share joint command of the aircraft carrier with the Indian Navy, but what protocols will be in place are unclear, as there is no information available in the public domain.
Over time, the SFC has built independent facilities for storing nuclear warheads and missiles, along with joint facilities with conventional forces. These include bases at Ambala and Gorakhpur, and potential land-based missile storage at Jodhpur and Jalandhar ammunition depots. One such facility is located at Morki in the state of Rajasthan, which is suspected to not only house India's nuclear-capable missiles but also a potential warhead storage site. Morki is approximately 300 km from the India-Pakistan border, thus suggesting a potential storage site for Agni-1 and Agni-II ballistic missiles. According to the latest open-source satellite imagery, this site appears operational.
Besides this, another missile base and storage facility were constructed near Guwahati, Assam. Full-scale construction commenced around 2014. The base is now an operational facility similar to one at Morki. It has one significant concrete ground, which can be used as a launchpad for launchers to fire their payload. In addition, the SFC will also have its operational storage site near India's new SSBN naval base, INS Varsha, which is under construction at Rambilli. INS Varsha has an underground tunnel, a perfect place to store missiles and warheads. These warheads and missiles will be employed for sea deterrent missions.
The SFC has improved its operational readiness. Senior Indian civilian security officials and former commanders consistently indicate that some portion of New Delhi's nuclear arsenal – especially those meant for use against Pakistan – is now kept at a high alert level, capable of being activated and launched within seconds or minutes during a crisis, rather than hours as previously believed.
The SFC has played a pivotal role in managing the Indian nuclear forces by systematically constructing and fortifying India's nuclear storage facilities – all while working under extreme secrecy. Its evolution implies that the organization has managed to guard and enhance the Indian deterrence force's capabilities over the past two decades. It has come a long way from the induction of Prithvi-II missiles propelled by liquid fuel, which required significant time to launch, to the commissioning of solid fuel missiles stored in canisters, ready for launch within seconds.
While greater readiness allows India to prepare for any crisis's eventualities, it also exacerbates the risks associated with their inadvertent or accidental launch. The world has already witnessed a BrahMos missile's accidental launch in 2022. This highlights the chances of an unauthorized or accidental launch of a delivery system, which requires strict checks and balances from India's Nuclear Command Authority.
It is unclear what measures have been adopted so that nuclear readiness doesn't come at the cost of diluting India's centralized command and control system. In a region where crises are frequent and misperceptions aplenty, higher readiness levels can prompt early introduction of nuclear weapons despite India's stated policy of No First Use.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Japan Times
6 hours ago
- Japan Times
Stateless man of Japanese descent in Philippines eager for Japan citizenship
Jose Takei, an 82-year-old man of Japanese descent in the Philippines who became stateless after being left in the Southeast Asian nation following the end of World War II, is keen to get Japanese citizenship while he is in good health. Earlier this month, almost 80 years after the end of the war, Takei came to Japan for the first time, with the support of Japan's Foreign Ministry. He met with his relatives in the city of Kawachinagano in Osaka Prefecture last Wednesday. During the visit, he also filed an application for Japanese nationality with the Tokyo Family Court. Takei was born in May 1943 to a Japanese man who was an employee of the Philippines' national railway company and an unmarried Filipino woman. His father left the family just before he was born to join the Japanese military during the war. A reference check with Japan's welfare ministry in 2009 found that the father returned to Japan at the end of the war. Before the war, many Japanese nationals moved overseas at the request of the government, including about 30,000 to the Philippines. Some of them married local women. Japanese men were recruited locally by the Japanese military once the war started. Some of them died fighting in the war while others were separated from their families as they were deported back to Japan from internment camps. Many of the people of Japanese descent who lost their Japanese fathers were left in the countries where they were born and faced persecution for the wartime invasion by Japan. Under such circumstances, they were left with no choice but to conceal their real names and the fact that they are of Japanese descent. In the Philippines, many of such people, including Takei, became stateless because the country's policy of determining nationality based on that of the person's father. According to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the Philippine Nikkei-jin Legal Support Center, a nonprofit organization, Japanese descendants left in the Philippines number at least 3,800, including those who have died. Of these, more than 1,800 died without being able to get Japanese citizenship while some 50 people who are alive still hope to become Japanese nationals. The average age of survivors is 84. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba met with Takei and two other Japanese descendants in the Philippines when he visited Manila in April this year. Ishiba promised to help them get Japanese nationality and visit Japan. The Foreign Ministry aims to continue supporting Japanese descendants' visits to the country.


The Diplomat
3 days ago
- The Diplomat
India-Philippines Ties Now Strategic Partnership on Upward Trajectory
Visa-free travel, direct flights, technological cooperation and cultural exchanges are set to complement the new defense-heavy alignment, aiming to turn a once-distant relationship into a broad-based alliance. This August, the visit of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to India marked a historic milestone in the relations between the two nations. The president's visit, which took place between August 4-8, was the first such state visit since 2007. On August 5, India and the Philippines formally elevated their ties to a Strategic Partnership, backed by a comprehensive bilateral Plan of Action (2025–2029) signed in New Delhi. In all, 13 memoranda and agreements were signed during Marcos Jr.'s visit. The partnership spans defense, maritime cooperation, trade, digital technologies, tourism, space cooperation, culture and science. However, the transition from a prolonged historic stasis to the current phase of strategic dynamism has not been sudden. While India and the Philippines established bilateral diplomatic relations in 1949, thanks to Cold War politics, for decades, their partnership remained largely symbolic — anchored in mutual goodwill but unfulfilled potential. Initial limitations were rooted in geographical distance, divergent regional priorities and systemic constraints. Over time, however, India's Look East policy, re-branded in 2014 as the Act East policy, began paving the way for more meaningful engagement through ASEAN frameworks, and India's initiatives such as the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative and Security and Growth for All in the Region, whose acronym SAGAR means ocean in multiple Indian languages. This was upgraded to Mahasagar, meaning the great ocean, in March 2025. The expanded acronym stands for Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions. As India and the Philippines celebrate 75 years of bilateral ties, they stand stronger together at the cusp of making qualitative leaps in their relationship. Defense Ties Key Unlike several of its Southeast Asian peers, the Philippines does not have a strong trade relationship with India. The defense and security partnership has thus become the central pillar of the New Delhi-Manila strategic alignment. This is aptly reflected in the agreement on the sale of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile systems to the Philippines. This makes it the first country to procure these missiles from India. India's BrahMos cruise missile system, delivered in two batches (first in April 2024 and the second in April 2025), now empowers the Philippine Marine Corps with advanced coastal defense capability. This was India's first major defense export. During Marcos' recent visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated that defense cooperation is 'a symbol of deep mutual trust.' In turn, Marcos emphasized the Philippines as a vital partner in India's Act East and Mahasagar vision. Manila is also eyeing procurement of the Akash surface-to-air missile system from India. Strategic Calculus and China On the eve of Marcos' visit, the Indian and Philippine navies conducted their first-ever joint exercises in the South China Sea on August 3-4. The drills were held inside the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone, as part of Manila's broader efforts to counter China's maritime assertiveness. India deployed three warships – INS Delhi, INS Shakti, and INS Kiltan – while the Philippines fielded BRP Miguel Malvar and BRP Jose Rizal. Chinese vessels reportedly followed the Indian-Philippine flotilla. This shift signals a strategic evolution in India's posture toward the Indo‑Pacific. Barring a few exceptions, India had previously avoided direct mentions of the South China Sea. However, New Delhi now explicitly endorses adherence to the 2016 South China Sea arbitration award, drawing focus on upholding a rules-based maritime order. For India, the South China Sea issue is no longer a peripheral concern, but is integral to its maritime and economic security as well as its regional leadership claims. The partnership with the Philippines is a tangible expression of India's Indo‑Pacific ambitions. India's presence there through joint naval patrols and supplying BrahMos to the Philippines reflects an operational follow-through, not just a diplomatic alignment. The aim is deterrence and presenting a viable counterweight to China's claims in a region critical to global trade, through which about $3 trillion worth of goods transit annually. Manila's pursuit of deeper ties with extra-regional partners such as India represents a deliberate move to reduce dependence on any single ally (for example, the U.S.) and forge multi-directional security and economic collaborations. Looking at the South China Sea (or West Philippine Sea, as the part within the Philippines' exclusive economic zone is called) issue from the Philippine perspective, it is clear that — barring perhaps Vietnam on occasion — no country has faced as much harassment over territorial claims at the hands of China as the Philippines has. Recognizing the need to balance China's assertiveness, both countries are prioritizing maritime cooperation, information sharing and defense engagements to protect a rules-based order in the area. Diversifying its security and defense partnerships would not only reduce the Philippines' dependency on any single country but also empower the Philippines and India to navigate the complex interplay of regional strategic dynamics effectively. Beyond Security This strategic realignment extends into non-military domains too. For instance, India and the Philippines announced visa-free entry for Indian tourists and free e-visas for Filipino nationals, alongside plans for direct Delhi–Manila flights, expected to expand bilateral tourism and people-to-people exchanges. It has not gone unnoticed in Manila that Thailand and Malaysia offered visa-free entry to Indian tourists and, as a result, saw great benefits in tourism. These recent moves promise to further strengthen people-to-people linkages between the two countries. The two sides have also agreed to launch a preferential trade negotiation, as bilateral trade remains modest ($3.3 billion in 2024), but has abundant room for growth. This is in tune with the ongoing review of the ASEAN-India Free Trade Agreement that was implemented in 2010. India-Philippines collaboration frameworks span space exploration, digital innovation, culture, health and agriculture, all underpinned by the 2025–29 Plan of Action. India's strengths, including IT, digital inclusion, pharmaceuticals, and space, align closely with the Philippines' development goals, positioning the partnership for substantive impact beyond security. Once characterized by distant potential and limited interaction, the bilateral relationship between India and the Philippines is now evolving into a strong strategic partnership. In a changing Indo-Pacific region marked by increasing great-power rivalry, this partnership stands to benefit India's pursuit of its strategic objectives, and the Philippines' efforts for strategic diversification. Originally published by


The Diplomat
01-08-2025
- The Diplomat
The Evolution of India's Strategic Forces Command
India formally announced the establishment of its Strategic Forces Command (SFC) on January 4, 2003, five years after testing a nuclear device at the Pokhran Test Range in 1998. The SFC is headed by a senior-ranking uniformed officer from the tri-services on a rotating basis. It operates under India's National Command Authority and is responsible for handling, securing, storing, and launching the country's nuclear weapons. The organization draws its resources and personnel from all three military services. Since its inception, the SFC has made significant progress. It has evolved from a nascent organization with fewer resources to a larger force. However, the command's 22-year journey has remained shrouded in secrecy. The article is therefore an attempt to document the SFC's journey, including newly inducted systems and storage sites, and how its operationalization has enhanced India's nuclear deterrent capabilities. The SFC became fully operational with the induction of a nuclear delivery system – the Prithvi-II missile in 2003. Following this, the SFC inducted the Agni-I in 2007, and since then, various other land-based missile systems have become part of the Command, including the Agni-I, Agni-II, Agni-III, and Agni-IV. Agni-Prime, which the SFC has already tested on many occasions as part of user trials, will also become operational, along with the Agni-V variant capable of carrying only a single warhead. These missiles are part of regular army missile units, which indicates that the SFC is a joint custodian of land-based nuclear delivery systems. In the case of aerial assets, the Indian Air Force had hesitated to hand over its jets solely to the SFC, citing a lack of adequate combat fighters. Instead, it offered 'dual-tasked fighters' as an alternative. The agreement was based on the proposal that the Air Force would maintain operational control over a specific number of dual-role aircraft, such as Jaguars, Mirage-2000s, and Su-30 MKIs, under normal circumstances. However, during nuclear strike missions, the SFC would take full control of these dual-use systems. An important question remains: whether these aircraft will conduct routine air-to-air and air-to-ground missions during a crisis, or be reserved solely for nuclear launches, with some performing conventional roles. Depending on the air base, those aircraft that have been assigned a nuclear role will be stored in protected or underground shelters to ensure survivability. According to public sources, the SFC has at least 40 modified Su-30MKIs to launch dual-capable BrahMos missiles for nuclear missions. The aircraft can be assigned to a nuclear role because the IAF already operates over 270 Su-30MKIs. Integrating a nuclear warhead is possible with BrahMos because, as per sources, India has developed a fission device of 12-15 kilotons, which weighs under 200 kg. An air-launched version of the BrahMos system can carry a 300 kg warhead. The SFC's role in operating India's nuclear-capable ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs), which are responsible for carrying and launching the country's sea-based nuclear weapons, remains unclear. India currently has three SSBNs: two – INS Arihant and INS Arighat – are operational, while INS Aridhaman is expected to join the fleet soon. At present, only submerged platforms can deliver nuclear weapons payloads. Scholars have claimed that India's SSBNs will remain solely under the operational command of the SFC. The SSBNs will only have nuclear warheads mated with onboard submarine-launched ballistic missiles in times of crisis, which the SFC defines not as a situation of live conflict, but when defense officials believe there is a high possibility of military escalation with either Pakistan or China. With the arrival of 26 Rafale-M aircraft from France, India's indigenous naval aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, which will house them, is likely to carry nuclear warheads onboard. This is possible because the Rafale can be modified for nuclear missions. According to sources, France has still not provided source codes to the Indian military, which would allow India to deploy indigenous weapons systems on the aircraft. However, the strategic partnership between France and India suggests that, in the future, changing geopolitical circumstances might lead Paris to permit New Delhi to integrate nuclear weapons with Rafales. In that scenario, it is a possibility that the SFC will also share joint command of the aircraft carrier with the Indian Navy, but what protocols will be in place are unclear, as there is no information available in the public domain. Over time, the SFC has built independent facilities for storing nuclear warheads and missiles, along with joint facilities with conventional forces. These include bases at Ambala and Gorakhpur, and potential land-based missile storage at Jodhpur and Jalandhar ammunition depots. One such facility is located at Morki in the state of Rajasthan, which is suspected to not only house India's nuclear-capable missiles but also a potential warhead storage site. Morki is approximately 300 km from the India-Pakistan border, thus suggesting a potential storage site for Agni-1 and Agni-II ballistic missiles. According to the latest open-source satellite imagery, this site appears operational. Besides this, another missile base and storage facility were constructed near Guwahati, Assam. Full-scale construction commenced around 2014. The base is now an operational facility similar to one at Morki. It has one significant concrete ground, which can be used as a launchpad for launchers to fire their payload. In addition, the SFC will also have its operational storage site near India's new SSBN naval base, INS Varsha, which is under construction at Rambilli. INS Varsha has an underground tunnel, a perfect place to store missiles and warheads. These warheads and missiles will be employed for sea deterrent missions. The SFC has improved its operational readiness. Senior Indian civilian security officials and former commanders consistently indicate that some portion of New Delhi's nuclear arsenal – especially those meant for use against Pakistan – is now kept at a high alert level, capable of being activated and launched within seconds or minutes during a crisis, rather than hours as previously believed. The SFC has played a pivotal role in managing the Indian nuclear forces by systematically constructing and fortifying India's nuclear storage facilities – all while working under extreme secrecy. Its evolution implies that the organization has managed to guard and enhance the Indian deterrence force's capabilities over the past two decades. It has come a long way from the induction of Prithvi-II missiles propelled by liquid fuel, which required significant time to launch, to the commissioning of solid fuel missiles stored in canisters, ready for launch within seconds. While greater readiness allows India to prepare for any crisis's eventualities, it also exacerbates the risks associated with their inadvertent or accidental launch. The world has already witnessed a BrahMos missile's accidental launch in 2022. This highlights the chances of an unauthorized or accidental launch of a delivery system, which requires strict checks and balances from India's Nuclear Command Authority. It is unclear what measures have been adopted so that nuclear readiness doesn't come at the cost of diluting India's centralized command and control system. In a region where crises are frequent and misperceptions aplenty, higher readiness levels can prompt early introduction of nuclear weapons despite India's stated policy of No First Use.