
What's in the EU's plan to boost clean tech, lower energy bills?
The EU Clean Industrial Deal aims to provide support for energy-hungry industries that face "high energy costs, unfair global competition and complex regulations" while also boosting the clean-tech sector.
Here are some of the main elements:
LOWERING ENERGY BILLS
* The Commission will launch a pilot plan worth 500 million euros with the European Investment Bank (EIB) to guarantee long-term renewable power purchase agreements, with a focus on small and medium businesses
* The EIB will also launch a package to back manufacturers of power grid components worth at least 1.5 billion euros
* State aid rules are to be simplified in June 2025
* The new package aims to fast-track clean energy permitting in the fourth quarter of 2025 and European Grid Package in the first quarter of 2026
* It plans to extend gas storage targets beyond 2025 with more flexibility
CLEAN TECH BOOST
* The Commission proposes to establish the Industrial Decarbonisation Bank in 2026 with 100 billion euros in funding based on the existing Innovation Fund and revenues from parts of the Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS)
* EU-level private funding tool InvestEU will be amended to mobilise 50 billion euros in extra financing
* Current EU budget will provide a total of 1 billion euros
* Plan will recommend member states slash electricity taxes
* It will revise public procurement rules in 2026 to favour EU suppliers
CIRCULAR ECONOMY AND TRADE
* Plan will set up joint purchasing centre for metals and minerals vital for businesses in clean tech and for the bloc's decarbonisation targets
* EU plans to adopt Circular Economy Act in 2026 to bring down feedstock costs and incentivise recycling of critical raw material waste
* It will launch new clean trade partnerships globally and simplify carbon duties (CBAM)
* CBAM review set for the third quarter of 2025 before it starts collecting fees on imports of steel, cement and other goods in 2026
* Make fast use of anti-dumping and anti-subsidy duties to battle global surpluses
SECTORAL ACTION PLANS
* Automotive sector to be adopted on March 5
* Steel and metals action plan in second quarter of 2025
* Chemicals industry to be adopted in late 2025
* Sustainable Transport Investment Plan in 2025
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BBC News
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- BBC News
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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Ukraine war briefing: ‘Security guarantees' on offer but Russia wants some too
Volodymyr Zelenskyy has hailed the decision to offer security guarantees to Ukraine as part of a peace deal as he prepared to meet Donald Trump in Washington on Monday. 'Security guarantees, as a result of our joint work, must really be very practical, delivering protection on land, in the air and at sea, and must be developed with Europe's participation,' said the Ukrainian president. Trump's Ukraine envoy, the real estate developer Steve Witkoff, said Vladimir Putin had agreed that the US and European allies could offer Ukraine a Nato-style, 'Article 5-like' security guarantee as part of an eventual deal to end the war. It appeared to be a major shift for Putin, but Witkoff has previously got it wrong when announcing what has been agreed in talks with the Russians – he does not speak Russian and has walked into meetings with Vladimir Putin without a translator of his own. Russia agrees that any future peace agreement on Ukraine must provide security guarantees to Kyiv but Moscow also needs credible security assurances, Mikhail Ulyanov, Russia's envoy to international organisations in Vienna, said early on Monday. 'Many leaders of EU states emphasise that a future peace agreement should provide reliable security assurances or guarantees for Ukraine,' Ulyanov said. 'Russia agrees with that. But it has equal right to expect that Moscow will also get efficient security guarantees.' Russia has not been invaded by another country since the end of the second world war – apart from the humiliating Ukrainian counter-invasion of Kursk – while having repeatedly invaded other countries and illegally annexed their territory. European heavyweight leaders will join Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the White House meeting with Trump on Monday, writes Luke Harding, in an extraordinary joint effort to push back on a US-backed plan that would allow Russia to take further Ukrainian territory. They are expected to argue against a land swap plan that rewards Russian aggression, and to seek further clarity on what security guarantees the US is willing to offer in the event of a settlement. The delegation includes the French president, Emmanuel Macron; Germany's chancellor, Friedrich Merz; Italy's PM, Giorgia Meloni; Keir Starmer, the British PM; Nato's secretary general, Mark Rutte; the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen; and the Finnish president, Alexander Stubb. In a CBS interview after the Trump-Putin talks in Alaska, Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, gave short shrift to the Russian ruler's 'long historical complaint' that 'root causes' of the Ukraine war must be addressed as part of a peace deal. 'We're not going to focus on all of that stuff. We're going to focus on this: are they going to stop fighting or not? And what it's going to take to stop the fighting.' Rubio continued: 'If we're being honest and serious here, both sides are going to have to give, and both sides should expect to get something from this. And that's a very difficult thing to do … Ukraine obviously feels, you know, harmed, and rightfully so, because they were invaded. And the Russian side, because they feel like they got momentum in the battlefield, and frankly, don't care, don't seem to care very much about how many Russian soldiers die in this endeavour.' Dan Sabbagh writes that Rubio gave the inbound European delegation some hope, insisting to NBC that a ceasefire is 'not off the table' – despite Putin insisting it can only come after a complete peace deal – and confirming that the US is interested in contributing to western security guarantees to Ukraine. 'It's one of their fundamental demands is that if this war were to end, they have to make sure this never happens again.' The US secretary of state is a traditional Republican whose instincts towards Russia are hawkish, although he has a record of going with the flow when it comes to the president's impulses. Russian attacks on Ukraine continued over Sunday night. A missile strike on Kharkiv city injured 11 people, said Kharkiv's mayor. A guided bomb strike on a Sumy oblast community left a woman injured, said the head of the regional military administration, while civilian facilities were damaged in a series of attacks.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Zelenskyy faces daunting trip to the White House – but this time he will not be alone
Volodymyr Zelenskyy will make his second visit to the White House on Monday with the daunting task of reversing the damage done to Ukraine's security prospects by Friday's Trump-Putin summit in Alaska. Zelenskyy will not, however, be alone as he was on his first trip to the White House in February when he was ambushed and humiliated by Donald Trump and the vice-president, JD Vance, who sought to bully him into capitulation to Moscow's demands. This time the Ukrainian leader comes to Washington flanked by a dream team of European leaders, including Britain's Keir Starmer, Germany's Friedrich Merz and France's Emmanuel Macron, who combine economic and military clout with proven rapport with Trump. Their mission will be to use their individual and combined influence to coax the president out of the pro-Russian positions he adopted after just a couple of hours under Putin's sway in the sub-Arctic on Friday. To do that, they will have to project a more convincing sense of resolve and common purpose than they have managed hitherto, argued Ben Rhodes, a former adviser to Barack Obama. 'My advice would be to not capitulate to Trump,' Rhodes said. 'He has grown all too accustomed to people he perceives as weaker bending to his will, which is something that Putin does not do … Zelenskyy cannot be expected to do this alone, as that's what got him into that last mess in the Oval Office. Zelenskyy needs Europe. And the Europeans need to show a strength to stand up to Trump which they have not really shown yet.' Macron and Merz will accompany Zelenskyy on Monday as embodiments of the two pillars of Europe, the French-German axis that is at the core of the EU. Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, will be a reminder of Europe's combined importance as an economic juggernaut. Trump struck a EU-US trade deal with her just three weeks ago in Scotland, and hailed the relationship as 'the biggest trading partnership in the world'. Brett Bruen, a former White House director of global engagement, said the European leaders should focus on economics and use the White House meeting 'as a chance to remind Trump how small Russia's economy is vis-a-vis the EU and the UK and other western partners'. Italy's prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, will be a useful bridge: a European far-rightwinger who Trump counts as a friend but who also supports Ukrainian sovereignty. The Finnish president, Alexander Stubb, represents a small European state but he is on Team Zelenskyy because he managed to establish an unexpectedly warm relationship with Trump. The Finn cultivated his access to the president by hastily polishing up his rusty golfing skills for an impromptu trip to Florida in March for a round with Trump, on the recommendation of the Republican senator Lindsey Graham. Stubb used the occasion to offer the perspective of Russia's closest European neighbour, urging Trump not to trust Vladimir Putin. Starmer combines national clout and personal rapport in some measure. Trump has gone out of his way to emphasise their good relations, despite Starmer's 'liberal' outlook, and the president arguably has an incentive not to sour relations ahead of a state visit to the UK next month, an extravaganza in which Trump sets high store. Mark Rutte also brings the influence of high office, as Nato secretary general, with a proven track record of corralling Trump with honeyed words, at one point appointing him the 'daddy' among world leaders, helping avoid any disastrous outbursts at the Nato summit in June. 'A lot of people have learned the lessons of Trump, in terms of how you handle him,' said Kim Darroch, who was the UK ambassador to Washington in Trump's first term. 'There will be a lot of flattery. It's tiresome but it's necessary: it gets you to first base. You tell him how well he's doing, how glad everyone is that he is leading the west to find a solution to the war. But then you get on to the substance.' The fact that all these leaders have cleared their diaries to fly to Washington at short notice is a measure of how alarmed they were by Friday's Trump-Putin summit in Anchorage. The Russian president, wanted by the international criminal court for war crimes after his unprovoked full invasion of Ukraine, was feted with a red carpet and a personal round of applause from Trump, who allowed him to speak first after the truncated abortive meeting and abruptly dropped his previous insistence on a ceasefire. Instead, the US president uncritically accepted Putin's preference to move straight to a comprehensive peace deal, putting the onus on Ukraine to make territorial concessions. One diplomatic observer likened the prospect of Monday's White House showdown to a football team coming out for a second half trailing 0-3 but with a raft of super-substitutes on the field. The first challenge will be staying together and sticking to the same talking points. 'Put up a united front and speak from one set of points,' advised Ivo Daalder, a former US ambassador to Nato. 'The goal is to get Trump to agree and side with them. But the message must be that their position is real, won't change, and if Trump doesn't agree they will pursue their path on their own.' 'Trump won't have the patience to listen to the same pitch a dozen times,' Darroch said. 'So for the initial round they probably need to select a couple of European speakers alongside Zelenskyy: perhaps Rutte as secretary general of Nato and Macron as the senior European national leader. 'My advice to Starmer would be to wait and see how the conversation goes,' Darroch added. 'If it goes badly off-track, or gets a bit spiky, he can intervene to pull it back on course, or calm it down, or just try to build some bridges. Because the risk is that if Trump thinks that the whole exercise is basically about telling him he's got it wrong, he could react badly or just close the discussion down.' On the way into the White House, Zelenskyy and his European backers can steel themselves with knowledge that not all is lost. The worst fear was that Trump would strike a deal with Putin in Alaska that would be presented as a fait accompli to Kyiv. That did not happen. Furthermore, they have potential allies inside the Trump administration. Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, is a traditional Republican whose instincts towards Russia are hawkish, although he has a record of going along with the flow of the president's impulses. On Sunday, Rubio gave the arriving delegation some hope, insisting to NBC that a ceasefire is 'not off the table' and confirming that the US is interested in contributing to western security guarantees to Ukraine in the event of a peace deal, acknowledging 'it's one of their fundamental demands is that if this war were to end, they have to make sure this never happens again'. The arrival of so many European luminaries in Washington is a sign of panic, in part, but also of united resolve. Arguably the only way the delegation could be strengthened would be with the inclusion of a Norwegian. Last week, Trump is reported to have cold-called the Norwegian foreign minister (and former Nato secretary general) Jens Stoltenberg, catching him by surprise on his mobile while he was out on the street. The president is said to have pressed Stoltenberg on his obsession with winning a Nobel peace prize, an award decided by a Norwegian parliamentary-appointed committee. One of the cards Trump's visitors will have in their hands on Monday is a reminder that cosying up to Putin is unlikely to get him the Nobel he craves. 'Second-term Trump has his eye on his place in the history books,' Darroch said. 'This is a point which needs to be put across delicately, but history will be kind to him if he delivers a fair peace in Ukraine; less so if he presses for a capitulation.'