Soft power, sharp strategy: How India is silently securing its interests in Central Asia

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2 days ago

Unlike China's debt traps or Russia's heavy hand, India's pitch to Central Asia feels like partnership. If Delhi plays it right, it could carve out a niche as the region's trusted friend, not its overlord read more
On June 6, 2025, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar hosted the 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue in New Delhi, marking a significant step in strengthening India's ties with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Beyond the talk of trade corridors and energy deals, there is a grand strategy as well.
Behind the handshakes and MoUs lies a high-stakes game for influence, as India counters China's Belt and Road and Russia's waning grip.
Strategic footholds in a region critical to Eurasian dominance. Imagine India securing a web of partnerships that bypasses Pakistan, deters Beijing, and locks in energy routes. That's the power play unfolding. Jaishankar isn't just building bridges. He's redrawing the strategy.
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India's push into Central Asia isn't just another trade mission; it's a bold bid to reshape influence in a region that's been a geopolitical sandbox for great powers. Forget oil routes or export markets. Jaishankar's dialogues are about planting India's flag as a cultural force, using soft power—think Bollywood, yoga, and shared history—to win hearts where Beijing and Moscow wield wallets and weapons. India's not just chasing contracts; it's rewriting the rules of the game, proving it can lead without coercion.
Central Asia—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan—sits at the crossroads of empires, a landlocked prize where global powers jostle for control. For decades, Russia's military might and China's Belt and Road billions have set the tone. India's entry isn't new; it's been nibbling at the edges with trade pacts and small investments. But Jaishankar's recent talks signal a shift—a deliberate pivot toward influence that doesn't rely on chequebooks or threats. Why care? Because in a world where hard power often backfires, India's softer approach could redefine how nations compete in contested regions. It's a test case for whether culture can trump cash.
Let's start with the obvious: Central Asia matters. It's a treasure trove of gas, oil, and rare minerals, but more than that, it's a buffer zone between Russia, China, and the volatile Middle East. China's been pouring money into roads and railways, tying countries like Uzbekistan to its orbit with loans that often morph into debt traps. Russia, meanwhile, leans on old Soviet ties and military bases to keep its grip. Both play a zero-sum game—control or bust.
India's different. Jaishankar's recent meetings, like the India-Central Asia Dialogue, pushed practical stuff: trade corridors, energy deals, even counterterrorism. But scratch the surface, and you see something else brewing. India's not trying to outspend China— it can't. Nor is it muscling in like Russia. Instead, it's banking on something neither rival can match: cultural resonance.
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Take Bollywood. In Almaty, Kazakhstan's biggest city, Indian films pack theatres, and stars like Shah Rukh Khan are household names. In Uzbekistan, Indian universities are setting up campuses, drawing students who see India as a gateway to affordable, quality education. Kyrgyzstan, with its Buddhist heritage, is ripe for India's pitch as a spiritual hub—think tourist trails linking ancient monasteries to India's Buddhist circuit. These aren't just feel-good stories; they're strategic. When a Kyrgyz teen watches Dangal or an Uzbek student studies in Delhi, they're not just consuming entertainment or education—they're buying into India's worldview.
Compare that to China's approach. Beijing builds shiny highways but leaves countries like Tajikistan drowning in debt—$1.2 billion owed by 2023, nearly 15 per cent of its GDP. Locals grumble about Chinese workers flooding their markets, building projects that feel more like occupation than partnership. Russia's playbook is even blunter: military drills and strong-arm tactics that remind Central Asians of Soviet days. Both powers get results, but they breed resentment. India's soft power—movies, music, shared history—slips under the radar, building goodwill without strings attached.
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History backs this up. India's links to Central Asia go back centuries, from the Silk Road to shared Buddhist and Sufi traditions. Jaishankar's not starting from scratch; he's tapping a vein of nostalgia and familiarity. In 2022, India hosted Central Asian leaders for a virtual summit, pushing cultural exchanges alongside trade. Small moves, like $1 million grants for community projects in Kyrgyzstan, show India's not just talking the talk. These gestures aren't flashy, but they're deliberate—seeds for long-term influence.
The gamble's not without risks. Central Asia's leaders are pragmatic; they'll take India's scholarships but still court China's cash. And India's own backyard—think Pakistan and Bangladesh—keeps Delhi distracted. But here's the edge: India's not seen as a bully. Unlike China's debt traps or Russia's heavy hand, India's pitch feels like partnership. If Delhi plays it right, it could carve out a niche as the region's trusted friend, not its overlord.
Jaishankar's Central Asia play isn't about outbidding China or outmuscling Russia—it's about outsmarting them. In a region where power has long meant money or might, India's betting on a different currency: ideas. Bollywood beats, Buddhist trails, and classroom exchanges might not make headlines like billion-dollar deals, but they're quietly shifting the board. Central Asia's not just a market—it's a proving ground for India's rise as a cultural great power. Watch closely: this is how you win a game without firing a shot.
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The writer is a columnist. His articles have appeared in various publications like The Independent, The Globe and Mail, South China Morning Post, The Straits Times, etc. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.