logo
UJ ranked best university in sustainable development in Africa

UJ ranked best university in sustainable development in Africa

TimesLIVE20-06-2025
The University of Johannesburg (UJ) has been ranked as the best university in sustainable development in Africa and 23rd in the world.
This is according to the 2025 Times Higher Education (THE) Impact Ratings, which assess universities against the UN's sustainable development goals (SDGs).
Western Sydney University in Australia was ranked number one in the world for four consecutive years, followed by Manchester University. The University of Pretoria came in at number 63 in the world.
UJ is now ranked among the top 30 universities in the world out of 2,318 institutions evaluated.
It ranked in the global top 100 for ten SDGs, with three in the top 10. This includes ranking number two in the world for SDG 1 (no poverty); number four for SDG 8 (decent work and economic growth); and number four for SDG 17 (partnerships for the goals).
UJ vice-chancellor and principal Prof Letlhokwa Mpedi said this was a testament to the university's commitment to reimagining higher education as a driver of change.
'These results not only underscore UJ's steadfast commitment to sustainable development, equity and impactful partnerships but also highlight the university's growing influence in tackling global challenges through research, teaching and community engagement,' Mpedi said.
'Our ranking reflects the focused efforts driven by our strategic plan 2035, which is built on three key pillars: societal impact and sustainability, global footprint and partnerships, and technology for the future. These pillars guide our trajectory over the next decade and underpin our dedication to creating a more just, equitable and sustainable future for all.'
In a separate global ranking, the university was named the third best university in South Africa after the University of Cape Town (UCT) and the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits).
'Together, the two results signal UJ's rising reputation and consistent excellence across multiple global performance metrics.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

UN report highlights the economic impact of the occupation of Palestine
UN report highlights the economic impact of the occupation of Palestine

IOL News

time11 hours ago

  • IOL News

UN report highlights the economic impact of the occupation of Palestine

The findings, presented by Francesca Albanese - the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian - during a media briefing in Geneva on Thursday, accuse these corporations of failing to uphold their legal responsibilities, thereby facilitating a system of exploitative occupation. The Tel Aviv Stock Exchange has seen a staggering increase of over 200% since the onset of the occupation of Palestine nearly two years ago, according to a damning new report from Francesca Albanese, the United Nations' Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories. Published on Thursday and aptly titled 'From economy of occupation to economy of genocide,' Albanese's report highlights how the very fabric of the global economy has intertwined with the devastation faced by Palestinians, particularly in the face of the ongoing conflict. 'In the past 21 months, while Israel's genocide has devastated Palestinian lives and landscapes, the Tel Aviv stock exchange soared by 213%, amassing $225.7 billion in market gains—including $67.8bn in the past month alone. For some, genocide is profitable,' Albanese said. 'In many respects, I could have written this report two years ago, and it would have been a fair exposure of the economy of the occupation made of two pillars; a pillar of displacement, a pillar of replacement, held together by an ecosystem of enablers, from financial actors to institutional knowledge production actors, like universities, and even charities.' Albanese named defense giants Lockheed Martin, RTX Corporation, General Dynamics, BAE Systems and Boeing for their sale of weapons to Israel. She singled out Caterpillar, Hyundai and Volvo for selling engineering equipment used to demolish Palestinian homes and the construction of illegal colonies for at least 10 years. Also mentioned is German Heidelberg Materials AG through its subsidiary Hanson Israel for allegedly contributing to the pillage of millions of tons of dolomite rock from the Nahal Raba quarry on land seized from Palestinian villages in the West Bank. The report said the Spanish/Basque Construcciones Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles joined a consortium to maintain and expand the Jerusalem Light Rail Red Line and build the new Green Line, at a time when other companies had withdrawn owing to international pressure. The global real estate group, Keller Williams Realty LLC, through its Israeli franchisee KW Israel, was named among real estate companies that sell properties in colonies to Israeli and international buyers. Global tech giants Alphabet, Amazon, Microsoft, IBM and Palantir were also named for supplying AI platforms, analytics and cloud infrastructure that aid Israeli intelligence gathering. The report pointed at major banks — Bank of America, BlackRock, Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, BNP Paribas, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan Chase and Barclays — for investing in Israeli bonds, allowing Israel to wage war. It said the US-based Chevron Corporation, in consortium with Israeli NewMed Energy, extracts natural gas from the Leviathan and Tamar fields. The report said Chevron's consortium supplies more than 70% of Israeli energy consumption and also profits from its part-ownership of the East Mediterranean Gas pipeline, which passes through Palestinian maritime territory, and from gas export sales to Egypt and Jordan. The report also said Netafim, a global leader in drip irrigation technology, now 80% owned by the Mexican company Orbia Advance Corporation, has designed its agritech in concert with the expansion imperatives of Israel. It said global logistics giants like A.P. Moller – Maersk A/S were integral to this ecosystem; for years they have shipped goods from the colonies and OHCHR database-listed companies straight to the US and other markets. The report said major online travel platforms, used by millions to reserve accommodation, profit from the occupation by selling tourism that sustains the colonies, excludes Palestinians, promotes settler narratives and legitimizes annexation. It said Booking Holdings Inc. and Airbnb, Inc. list properties and hotel rooms in Israeli colonies. has more than doubled its listings in the West Bank – from 26 in 2018 to 70 by May 2023 – and tripled its East Jerusalem listings to 39 in the year post October 2023. Airbnb has also amplified its colonial profiteering, growing from 139 listings in 2016 to 350 in 2025, collecting up to 23% commission. It said these listings were linked with restricting Palestinian access to land and endangering nearby villages. 'My report exposes a system, something that is so structural and so widespread and so systemic that there is no possibility to fix it and redress it. It needs to be dismantled,' Albanese said. 'When sanctions were imposed on apartheid South Africa, was it because of the crimes and the violence and the racism and the discrimination and the apartheid that South Africa was imposing on its non-white population or for just what South Africa was doing in the Bantustans?' In a sharp rebuttal, Maram Stern, executive vice president of the World Jewish Congress, denounced Albanese's report as biased and politicised, claiming it undermined Israel's legitimacy and distorted the realities on the ground. 'Ms. Albanese's report is yet another example of her repeated misuse of her mandate to advance a political agenda rather than to uphold the universal principles of human rights,' Stern said in a statement. 'Particularly outrageous is the targeting of companies operating within Israel's internationally recognized borders, which is a clear attempt to delegitimize the very existence of the Jewish state under the guise of human rights.' BUSINESS REPORT

The anatomy of decline: Unemployment and South Africa's structural crisis
The anatomy of decline: Unemployment and South Africa's structural crisis

IOL News

time20 hours ago

  • IOL News

The anatomy of decline: Unemployment and South Africa's structural crisis

Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General, reminds us that 'addressing unemployment is not just an economic imperative, it is a moral and social one that defines the future of peace and progress Image: AFP In 1994, South Africa emerged from apartheid with global goodwill, democratic legitimacy and the promise of shared prosperity. Yet three decades later, that promise remains unfulfilled. With an overall unemployment rate of 31.9% and youth unemployment at 59.6% (Q4 2024, Stats SA), the country faces a structural crisis that is eroding its economic base and social cohesion. This is not an isolated issue but a national reckoning that follows a pattern common to both collapsing companies and declining states. Jim Collins, in How the Mighty Fall, outlines five stages of institutional decline: hubris, undisciplined growth, denial of risk, superficial solutions and eventual stagnation. These stages offer a sobering framework for understanding South Africa's current position. 'Denial is the most dangerous stage of decline,' Collins warns, 'because it blinds leaders to reality.' Stage 1: Hubris Born of Triumph Between 2000 and 2008, South Africa enjoyed average GDP growth of 3.5%, buoyed by favourable commodity cycles and post-apartheid optimism. The country asserted its geopolitical presence, joined BRICS and positioned itself as a regional hub. But early success bred complacency. Rather than address long-standing structural inequalities or invest in productive capacity, economic momentum gave way to inertia. The Gini coefficient remained high at 0.67 while labour market rigidities discouraged job creation. State-owned enterprises, particularly Eskom, were allowed to expand without accountability. By 2024, public bailouts for Eskom had surpassed R500 billion. Argentina's early 20th-century trajectory offers a striking parallel: a commodity-rich economy that ascended rapidly only to decline due to internal mismanagement and premature confidence in global status. South Africa's early economic positioning masked unresolved domestic vulnerabilities. While attention turned outward to summits and regional diplomacy, the foundations beneath were quietly eroding. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Stage 2: The Undisciplined Pursuit of More South Africa's expansion of redistributive programmes, especially through social grants and state employment schemes, was not matched by corresponding economic productivity. The social grant system, projected to cost R259.3 billion by 2026, has been essential for poverty relief but increasingly burdens fiscal sustainability. Meanwhile, core infrastructure suffered. Transnet's freight efficiency declined sharply and energy supply instability continued to constrain investment. The World Bank reports average GDP growth of just 0.7% between 2014 and 2024. Yet state-led expansion persisted, often detached from output and institutional readiness. This pursuit of scale without returns mirrors firms that chase growth for its own sake. Public employment expansion - while well intentioned - has in some cases reinforced dependency. The logic that more 'boots on the ground' equals delivery has led to overstaffing, rising wage costs and limited institutional agility. Government visibility has been confused with public value. Climate risks have compounded the challenge. Extended droughts have reduced employment in agriculture and mining, weakening resilience in rural provinces. Without adaptation strategies, the employment impacts of environmental shocks will only intensify. Stage 3: Denial of Risk and Erosion of Trust Despite mounting evidence of institutional and economic strain, reforms have lagged. The Zondo Commission exposed over R500 billion in procurement-related losses, yet implementation remains slow. Labour market mismatches have worsened, with 42% of jobless individuals now classified as discouraged workers - those who have ceased to seek employment entirely. Total Factor Productivity has declined for over 15 years according to the International Monetary Fund, yet public discourse often defaults to rebranding or extending existing models. Persistent mismatches between the education system and labour market needs further entrench youth unemployment. Over a million students are enrolled in post-secondary institutions annually, yet far fewer graduate with skills aligned to economic opportunity. Technical and vocational education remains underfunded despite strong global evidence of its employment in government has declined. According to the Edelman Trust Barometer, only 22% of South Africans express trust in government compared to 62% in business. Many young people are now cycling through training schemes with no connection to employment. For them, the crisis is not theoretical - it is lived daily through delayed adulthood and social alienation. Stage 4: Superficial Solutions and Fiscal Pressure Short-term relief measures have become the norm. The Social Relief of Distress Grant and other temporary interventions offer necessary support but are not substitutes for structural employment generation. Public debt now stands at over 74% of GDP, edging towards unsustainable territory. The 2024 Budget Review confirmsdebt service costs are rising faster than allocations to education and infrastructure. Some initiatives under Operation Vulindlela and the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan show intent but require stronger execution and sustained adds further pressure. McKinsey estimates that automation could displace one in four jobs in South Africa by 2030, especially among low-skilled workers. Without a reskilling strategy, digital transformation may reinforce unemployment rather than resolve it. The African Development Bank warns that the continent adds 10 million job seekers to the labour force annually but creates only 3 million jobs. Grants and temporary schemes cannot bridge this gap. They must be paired with pathways into the formal economy - particularly for youth, women and small private sector must also adapt. Hiring practices, investment in entry-level talent and support for smallenterprises are necessary components of a functioning labour market. Stage 5: Recovery or Regression? South Africa remains at a critical juncture. Continued economic stagnation if unaddressed could normalise exclusion and dampen democratic participation. But recovery is not out of reach. Post-crisis recoveries in South Korea and post-war Germany show what is possible when discipline, targeted investment and reform align. In South Africa, green shoots exist. TymeBank has expanded financial inclusion through low-cost digital banking. Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator has supported over a million workseekers using demand-driven matching. AfCFTA implementation offers a strategic lever. If logistics and regulatory reform accompany it, the agreement could boost Africa's income by $450 billion (R7.9 trillion) by 2035. For South Africa, increased participation in regional manufacturing and agri-processing could transform employment patterns - particularly in secondary cities andrural districts. The informal economy, where most African employment resides, cannot be ignored. It requires accessible microfinance, simplified registration and recognition as a legitimate growth engine. Development cannot occur if the majority of economic activity is treated as marginal. None of this is possible without confronting inefficiencies in how public funds are deployed. While social grants and public employment programmes are essential lifelines for vulnerable populations, they have not translated into economic inclusion. Expanding headcounts in state departments is sometimes used as a proxy forperformance, yet without addressing institutional inefficiencies, this risks reinforcing dependency. Employment must become the central metric of public accountability. Conclusion: The Stakes and the Path Forward Failing to address unemployment is not a challenge that can be deferred without consequence. Beyond economic metrics lie the very fabric of social stability, public trust and democratic legitimacy. South Africa's experience offers a warning to all emerging and developing economies: the cost of delay is measured not only in GDP but in fractured communities and lost futures. Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General, reminds us that 'addressing unemployment is not just an economic imperative, it is a moral and social one that defines the future of peace and progress.' South Africa is not alone. Across emerging economies, unemployment, fiscal strain and youth disillusionment are converging into systemic risk. The lessons embedded in this crisis - about political will, economic realism and institutional reform - are applicable far beyond one nation's borders. The foundations for recovery exist but require clear-eyed leadership and a willingness to prioritise structural reform over symbolic intervention. South Africa's story will be determined not by its past but by how decisivelyit addresses the challenges of today. Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Image: Supplied

Leaders of growing Brics group gather for Rio summit
Leaders of growing Brics group gather for Rio summit

TimesLIVE

timea day ago

  • TimesLIVE

Leaders of growing Brics group gather for Rio summit

Leaders of the growing Brics group of developing nations were set to gather in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday, calling for reform of traditional Western institutions while presenting the bloc as a defender of multilateralism in an increasingly fractured world. With forums such as the G7 and G20 groups of major economies hamstrung by divisions and the disruptive 'America First' approach of US President Donald Trump, expansion of the Brics has opened new space for diplomatic co-ordination. 'In the face of the resurgence of protectionism, it is up to emerging nations to defend the multilateral trade regime and reform the international financial architecture,' Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva told a Brics business forum on Saturday. Brics nations now represent more than half the world's population and 40% of its economic output, Lula noted. The Brics group gathered leaders from Brazil, Russia, India and China at its first summit in 2009. The bloc later added South Africa and last year included Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as full members. This is the first leaders' summit to include Indonesia. 'The vacuum left by others ends up being filled almost instantly by the Brics,' said a Brazilian diplomat who asked not to be named. Though the G7 still concentrates vast power, the source added, 'it doesn't have the predominance it once did'. However, there are questions about the shared goals of an increasingly heterogenous Brics group, which has grown to include regional rivals along with major emerging economies. Stealing some thunder from this year's summit, Chinese President Xi Jinping chose to send his prime minister in his place. Russian President Vladimir Putin is attending online due to an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court. Still, many heads of state will gather for discussions at Rio's Museum of Modern Art on Sunday and Monday, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. Over 30 nations have expressed interest in participating in the Brics, either as full members or partners. Brazil, which also hosts the UN climate summit in November, has seized on both gatherings to highlight how seriously developing nations are tackling climate change, while Trump has slammed the brakes on US climate initiatives. Both China and the UAE signalled in meetings with Brazilian finance minister Fernando Haddad in Rio that they plan to invest in a proposed Tropical Forests Forever Facility, according to two sources with knowledge of the discussions about funding conservation of endangered forests around the world. Expansion of the Brics has added diplomatic weight to the gathering, which aspires to speak for developing nations across the Global South, strengthening calls for reforming global institutions such as the UN Security Council and the International Monetary Fund. The growth of the bloc has also increased the challenges to reaching consensus on contentious geopolitical issues. Ahead of the summit, negotiators struggled to find shared language for a joint statement about the bombardment of Gaza, the Israel-Iran conflict and a proposed reform of the Security Council, said two of the sources, who requested anonymity to speak openly. To overcome differences among African nations regarding the continent's proposed representative to a reformed Security Council, the group agreed to endorse seats for Brazil and India while leaving open which country should represent Africa's interests, a person familiar with the talks told Reuters. The Brics will also continue their thinly veiled criticism of Trump's US tariff policy. At an April ministerial meeting, the bloc expressed concern about 'unjustified unilateral protectionist measures, including the indiscriminate increase of reciprocal tariffs'.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store