logo
Supreme Court and advisory jurisdiction

Supreme Court and advisory jurisdiction

Time of India23-05-2025
Vijay Gokhale is a lawyer and former investment banker. He has cumulative experience of more than 25 years in the financial services industry spanning public sector, private sector and MNCc. He is engaged in financial literacy and investor welfare initiatives. His areas of interest include matters relating to the Constitution, Civil and criminal laws, Securities Law, Financial Services, Consumer protection etc. LESS ... MORE
The Supreme Court, while deciding a petition filed by the Tamil Nadu government in April 2025, has fixed a time frame for withholding assent by the governor to a bill passed by the Legislative Assembly, reserving it for the President's consideration, giving assent to a bill after it's reconsideration by the house and for the President to decide on the bill before him. The judgment has generated a debate on the limits of judicial intervention in the domain of the Executive and the equilibrium to be maintained between the jurisdictions of the Executive and the Judiciary in constitutional matters.
President Droupadi Murmu has now sought the Supreme Court's opinion on a total of fourteen points exercising her powers under Article 143 of the Constitution. This is the first time such an opinion has been sought in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's eleven-year tenure as Prime Minister.
Whenever the President feels that a question of law or fact has arisen or is likely to arise, which is of such nature and public importance that it is expedient to obtain the opinion of the supreme Court upon it, the President may refer the question to the Court for consideration under Article 143(1) and the Court may after such hearing, as it thinks fit, report its opinion to the President. This is called the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. This provision has its origin in Section 213(1) of the Government of India Act, 1935. The provision is not part of the judicial administration but is part of the advisory machinery created to assist the President.
Since under Article 74(1) the President acts on the aid and advice of the Council of ministers although technically it is the President who seeks the opinion, it is in fact the Union Council of Minister which seeks it. But under Article 74(2) the Court shall not inquire whether the council indeed gave any advice and if so what. In the event, the President seeks such an opinion without the advice of the council, it will be a violation of the Constitution and the President would face impeachment under Article 61 of the constitution.
Generally, the Supreme Court answers questions of law and fact which arise in the matters before it. However, Article 143 confers on the Supreme Court a special advisory jurisdiction to give its opinion on questions not related to the matters pending before it. Article 145(3) requires a Constitution Bench of at least five judges to be constituted to consider the matter referred by the President.
Whenever such advice is sought, it is the duty of the court to consider the matter referred and give its report (opinion) to the President. The Supreme Court has opined in Keshav Sing (opinion) that because of the wording of Article 143(1) (the court may…report to the president its opinion thereon), it is not binding on the court to give such advice and the court can refuse to give such advice by providing strong, compelling and concise reasons. The court can also refuse to give advice on a matter which depends on the expert evidence or is of a political nature, stating that it is not competent to give opinion on such matter. Generally, the Supreme Court gives advice on all petitions. Out of at least 15 matters referred by President since 1950, the court has returned only one matter without an answer. That too on a technical ground.
The President may seek advice on a point of law on which the Court has not ruled (in other words it is not res judicata) The Court does not consider whether the petition is made with a dishonest intent or does not check the truthfulness of the content of the reference.
In Natural Resources Allocation Special Reference No. 1 of 2012, the Court has opined that a reference should not be returned unanswered on the basis of the form or pattern alone. It requires appropriate analysis, understanding and appreciation of content or issue on which opinion of Supreme Court is sought by President, keeping in view constitutional responsibility, juridical propriety and judicial discretion. Reference should not be vague, general or undefined. It is only when questions become unspecific and incomprehensible that risk of returning reference unanswered arises.
In its 1991 opinion on the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, the Supreme Court clarified that the executive cannot, under the garb of article 143, seek to review or overturn the established judicial decisions of the Supreme Court.
This provision is used in exceptional circumstances and cannot be used as a political tool to resolve political issues. Therefore, the power vested in the Supreme Court under Article 143(1) is discretionary.
On a question whether the opinion provided by Supreme Court under article 143 is binding on other courts as per article 141 (the law declared by the Supreme court shall be binding on all courts within the territory of India) supreme court in a nine judge bench judgment of Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College Society vs. State of Gujarat has ruled that although the opinion provided to the President under Article 143 has weight, it is not binding on the Supreme Court in any subsequent cases.
The marginal note of Article 143 states 'Power of President to consult Supreme Court'. The word 'consult' undoubtedly indicates that the President is not bound to implement the opinion of the Supreme Court. Also, Article 142(1) which deals with enforcement of decrees and orders of Supreme court and orders as to discovery etc. indicates that only the decrees and orders of the Supreme Court can be implemented. Since consultative opinion is not an order or decree, the advisory opinion of the Supreme Court cannot be implemented. Although the President usually respects the opinion of the Supreme Court, the opinion given under Article 143 is not binding on the President. Sometimes the Court also takes an assurance through the Attorney General that the President will respect the opinion of the Court.
Since advisory jurisdiction is not binding as a precedent, even if the Supreme Court rules a law unconstitutional in a Section 143 opinion, the court must independently re-determine the validity of that law if a question arises in the future.
Considering the above, it will be interesting to see whether the Supreme Court considers the request of President Murmu or rejects it or says that it is a review petition under the garb of article 143 opinion, whether it expresses it's opinion on all the points if it decides to give the opinion and whether it says that some points have been decided in the Tamil Nadu petition.
Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author's own.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Centre's proposed amendment to remove ministers from office: What SC has previously said on the matter
Centre's proposed amendment to remove ministers from office: What SC has previously said on the matter

Indian Express

time7 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Centre's proposed amendment to remove ministers from office: What SC has previously said on the matter

Home Minister Amit Shah on Wednesday introduced in Lok Sabha a significant constitutional amendment that seeks to remove a central or state Minister who is facing allegations of corruption or serious offences and has been detained for at least 30 days consecutively. The Constitution (One Hundred And Thirtieth Amendment) Bill, 2025 and two related statutory amendments to reflect the proposed changes for Union Territories have been referred to a joint committee of Parliament for review. What does the amendment propose? The Bill proposes amendments to Articles 75, 164, and 239AA of the Constitution, which deal with the Union Council of Ministers, Council of Ministers in the states, and Ministers in Union Territories respectively. These provisions will have a new clause: 'A Minister, who for any period of thirty consecutive days during holding the office as such, is arrested and detained in custody, on allegation of committing an offence under any law for the time being in force, which is punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to five years or more, shall be removed from his office by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister to be tendered by the thirty-first day, after being taken in such custody.' The removal can be reversed when the Minister is released from custody. Chief Ministers and the Prime Minister will be in the ambit of the proposed law. According to the Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Bill, there is a need for a legal framework for the removal of a Minister arrested on serious criminal charges. Ministers facing such allegations 'may thwart or hinder the canons of constitutional morality and principles of good governance', which could 'diminish the constitutional trust reposed by people'. The constitutional amendment will require a majority of two-thirds of Members present and voting to be passed. What is the current legal framework, and how does the Bill depart from it? Under Section 8 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, (RPA) legislators are disqualified from contesting elections or continuing in office upon conviction for certain criminal offences, and being sentenced to imprisonment for at least two years. The proposed amendment deals with the removal of a Minister after having spent a certain time in custody. Ministers do not have qualifications that are distinct from those of legislators (with whom the RPA deals), but they have different responsibilities. In the RPA, the yardstick for disqualification is conviction by a court. The disqualification can be stayed if the conviction is stayed by a higher court on appeal. India's constitutional scheme envisages the presumption of innocence for the accused, and puts the onus of proving the charges on the prosecution. Police file a chargesheet within 90 days of arrest, after which a court frames the charges. Trial begins after that, and can end in acquittal or conviction. In the proposed Bill, the yardstick for removal is 30 consecutive days of being 'arrested and detained in custody'. Since arrest and detention are only the preliminary step in a criminal investigation, such a yardstick raises serious questions of due process. What has been the debate on when a legislator can be disqualified? Given the serious concerns over the growing criminalisation of politics, a view has gained ground that a legislator must be disqualified even before the stage of conviction. It has been argued that the long wait for conviction defeats the purpose of disqualification. Since September 2013, only 27 sitting MPs and MLAs have been disqualified after being convicted of offences. However, constitutional principles of natural justice require a person to be given a fair opportunity to be heard before consequential action is taken against them. Also, disqualification impacts not only the rights of the legislator but also the will of the people who have elected the legislator. In its 170th report in 1999, the Law Commission of India proposed that the framing of a charge for offences punishable by up to five years' imprisonment should be made an additional ground for disqualification, which should be for five years or until acquittal, whichever was earlier. This proposal was reiterated by the Election Commission of India in 2004, and by the Law Commission in its 244th report in 2014. The Law Commission's 2014 report recommended that a legislator could be disqualified when charges were framed against them by a court, since this showed prima facie judicial satisfaction that there existed sufficient material against a person to put them to trial. The report rejected suggestions that the filing of a chargesheet by police or of a court taking cognizance of an offence against a legislator were appropriate stages for disqualification. Disqualifying a person before the 'application of judicial mind' would be 'against the principles of natural justice', and 'would mean that a person is penalised without proceedings being initiated against him', the Commission said. What has the Supreme Court said on the question of disqualification of a legislator? 🔴 A five-judge Bench of the Supreme Court discussed these recommendations in a 2018 judgment in a public interest litigation. The PIL by Public Interest Foundation had sought disqualification at the stage of framing of charges for serious offences. The court stated that it could not legislate or add new grounds for disqualification beyond what Parliament had provided. It reiterated that the power to make laws on disqualification rested solely with Parliament. The court did recommend, however, that Parliament should enact a 'strong law' making it mandatory for political parties to revoke the membership of those against whom charges have been framed for 'heinous and grievous offences', and to not give them tickets to contest elections. 🔴 Earlier, in its judgment in Manoj Narula v Union of India (2014), the Supreme Court had said there is no bar against a person with criminal antecedents being appointed as Minister. However, the court suggested that as the 'repository of constitutional trust', the Prime Minister should consider not choosing individuals with criminal antecedents, especially if charges have been framed for heinous or serious criminal offences or corruption. 🔴 More recently, the SC made some observations in two cases of Ministers facing money laundering charges — one, V Senthil Balaji of Tamil Nadu, and two, then Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. BALAJI was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate in 2023 in the alleged cash-for-jobs scam and remained in custody for 14 months. He was dropped as a Minister after significant pressure from the Governor and the opposition. In September 2024, the Supreme Court granted Balaji bail because the trial was likely to take several years. Within days of being released, Balaji was reinstated as a Cabinet Minister. The ED urged the SC to cancel his bail, arguing that from his position of authority, he might influence the case against him. The SC observed that it had not taken into account his ministerial position, as he had resigned before his bail application was heard. Once he was reappointed after being released, the court said it was misled. In April 2025, the court told Balaji to choose between 'freedom or post' — he could either resign or risk the cancellation of his bail. Days later, Balaji stepped down, and the court allowed his bail to continue. KEJRIWAL was granted bail in the alleged liquor policy money laundering case, but the SC barred him from signing official documents, entering government offices, and interacting with witnesses and accessing files connected with the case. The court, however, made it clear that it had no jurisdiction to compel an elected leader to step down; whether he should resign was left to Kejriwal's discretion. In September 2024, the court granted him regular bail, noting that prolonged incarceration without progress in the trial would be unjust. It refrained from issuing directions on his continuance in the office. Kejriwal voluntarily resigned soon afterward.

Brazilian police say ex-President Bolsonaro planned to flee to Argentina seeking asylum
Brazilian police say ex-President Bolsonaro planned to flee to Argentina seeking asylum

The Hindu

time7 minutes ago

  • The Hindu

Brazilian police say ex-President Bolsonaro planned to flee to Argentina seeking asylum

Brazil's federal police said that messages found on the telephone of embattled former President Jair Bolsonaro showed that at one point, he wanted to flee to Argentina and request political asylum, according to documents seen Wednesday (August 20, 2025) by the Associated Press. Mr. Bolsonaro is currently awaiting a Supreme Court ruling about an alleged coup attempt, and on Wednesday (August 20, 2025) found out he might face another case as police formally accused him and one of his sons, Eduardo Bolsonaro, of obstruction of justice in connection with his pending trial. The AP had access to the police investigation, messaging app exchanges, voice messages and reviewed the documents, which were sent to Brazil's Supreme Court. The 170-page police report said that Mr. Bolsonaro had drafted a request for political asylum from Argentine President Javier Milei's government dated February 10, 2024. Mr. Bolsonaro saved the document two days after authorities searched his home and office as part of an investigation into an alleged coup plot. In a 33-page letter addressed to Mr. Milei, Mr. Bolsonaro claimed he was being politically persecuted in Brazil. 'I, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, request political asylum from Your Excellency in the Republic of Argentina, under an urgent regime, as I find myself in a situation of political persecution in Brazil and fear for my life,' the former Brazilian leader wrote. Argentina's presidential spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Mr. Bolsonaro did not make comments about the investigation either. On February 12, Mr. Bolsonaro reportedly spent two nights at the Hungarian Embassy in Brasília, fueling speculation among critics that he may have been attempting to avoid arrest. Brazilian federal police investigators also said in their report that Bolsonaro's decision to ignore precautionary measures established for his house arrest and spread content to his allies 'sought to directly hit Brazilian democratic institutions, notably the Supreme Court and even Brazil's Congress'. With regards to Wednesday's (August 20, 2025) obstruction of justice accusations, Eduardo Bolsonaro, a lawmaker who has lived in the United States, said in a statement that he 'never aimed at interfering in any ongoing proceedings in Brazil.' He added the conversations with his father that are part of the investigation are 'absolutely normal' and its publication has a political bias. Silas Malafaia, an evangelical pastor who is a staunch ally of Mr. Bolsonaro's, was also targeted by police. He had his passport seized by investigators but was not formally accused of obstruction of justice. Several messages exchanged between Mr. Bolsonaro and his son show their interest in praising U.S. President Donald Trump to affect legal proceedings in Brazil. Last month, Mr. Trump imposed 50% tariffs on some Brazilian exports and claimed the trial of the former President was the main reason for his sanctions. 'You won't have time to reverse the situation if the guy here turns his back on you. Everything here is very touchy; every little thing affects you,' Mr. Eduardo Bolsonaro told his father in one of the exchanges. 'In today's situation, you don't even need to worry about jail; you won't be arrested. But I'm afraid things will change here (in the United States). Even inside the White House, there are people telling (Trump): OK, Brazil is gone. Let's move on',' Mr. Eduardo Bolsonaro said. Some exchanges also show friction sauced with expletives between father and son. Mr. Eduardo Bolsonaro, who moved to the U.S. earlier this year despite holding a seat in Brazil's congress, calls Mr. Jair Bolsonaro 'ungrateful' for his efforts to influence the Trump administration in their favor. Mr. Eduardo Bolsonaro also asks his father to 'ACT RESPONSIBLY' so he doesn't have to remain much longer in the U.S.

Removal Of PM, CMs Jailed On Serious Charges: Chaos in LS as Shah tables 3 Bills
Removal Of PM, CMs Jailed On Serious Charges: Chaos in LS as Shah tables 3 Bills

Hans India

time7 minutes ago

  • Hans India

Removal Of PM, CMs Jailed On Serious Charges: Chaos in LS as Shah tables 3 Bills

New Delhi: Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Wednesday introduced in the Lok Sabha three Bills for the removal of Prime Minister, Chief Ministers, and Ministers under arrest for 30 consecutive days on serious charges, drawing fierce protests from Opposition MPs, who tore up copies of the draft law and marched close to his seat shouting slogans. In a charged atmosphere, several Opposition MPs spoke against the introduction of the Bills, claiming they violated constitutional principles, targeted federalism, turned the jurisprudence 'innocent until proven guilty' on its head, were open to misuse for political reasons and threatened to turn the country into a police state. Shah, however, batted for an enhanced standing for moral values in public life, saying, "We cannot be so shameless that we continue to occupy constitutional positions while facing serious charges". On his proposal, the Bills were sent by the House to a Joint Committee of Parliament, comprising 21 members from the Lok Sabha and 10 from the Rajya Sabha for scrutiny. The committee, whose members will soon be named, has been asked to submit its report to the House by the last day of the first week of the next session, expected in the third week of November. As soon as the Bills were introduced soon after 2 pm, Opposition members trooped into the well, raising slogans and some even tore copies in front of Shah for the sight to be captured by cameras broadcasting the home minister's remarks. A few BJP members, including Union Ministers Kiren Rijiju and Ravneet Singh Bittu, stepped out of their seats to prevent Opposition members from coming near Shah and waved them to go back to their side of the aisle. When Congress MP K C Venugopal questioned Shah about his claim of public morality by referring to his arrest in a criminal case when he was the Home Minister of Gujarat in 2010, the senior BJP leader hit back. He said he wanted to set the record straight as he had resigned on moral grounds before his arrest on "false" allegations and did not join a constitutional position till he was discharged by the courts. "What are they (opposition) teaching us about morality? I had resigned. And I want moral values to rise. We cannot be so shameless that we continue to occupy constitutional positions while facing charges. I resigned before arrest," Shah said. Opposition MPs, including AIMIM's Asaduddin Owaisi and Congress' Manish Tewari and Venugopal, and RSP's N K Premachandran, spoke against the introduction, terming the proposed law against the Constitution and federalism. The Home Minister also said that the Bills will be sent to the Joint Committee of Parliament, where members of both Houses, including those from the Opposition, would get an opportunity to give their suggestions. The three Bills are the Government of Union Territories (Amendment) Bill 2025; the Constitution (One Hundred And Thirtieth Amendment) Bill 2025; and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Amendment) Bill 2025. The constitutional amendment bill will require the support of at least two-thirds of the members in both Houses. The ruling alliance currently lacks such a majority on its own. The Bills have proposed that if Prime Minister, Union Ministers or Chief Ministers, are arrested and detained in custody for 30 consecutive days for offences that attract a jail term of at least five years, they will lose their jobs on the 31st day. Demanding that Shah withdraw the Bills, Tewari said they were "squarely destructive" of the basic structure of the Constitution and turned the fundamental principle of the rule of law that a person is innocent till proven guilty on its head. The Bills give due procedure a go-by and make an investigating officer the "boss of Prime Minister of India", he asserted. The Congress MP said the proposed law distorts parliamentary democracy by undermining the will of the people through mere custody bereft of judicial determination. It also opens the door for political misuse by the state's instruments whose arbitrary conduct has been "frowned" upon by the Supreme Court, he added.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store