Arab Leaders Promise to Work on Reconstruction of Gaza and Press for a Ceasefire
President of Egypt Abdel Fattah el-Sissi attends the 34th Arab League summit, in Baghdad, Iraq, Saturday, May 17, 2025.
BAGHDAD (AP) — Arab leaders at an annual summit in Baghdad called Saturday for an immediate end to Israel's attacks on the Gaza Strip and to allow aid into the Palestinian territories without conditions. They promised to contribute to the reconstruction of the territory once the war stops.
In March, an emergency Arab League summit in Cairo endorsed a plan for Gaza's reconstruction without displacing its roughly 2 million residents.
Saturday's summit was attended by Arab leaders including Qatar's Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani and Egypt's President Abdel Fattah el-Siss i. The Egyptian leader said that even if Israel succeeds in normalizing relations with all Arab states, 'a lasting, just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East will remain elusive unless a Palestinian state is established in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions.' Egypt was the first Arab country to normalize ties with Israel.
Among the guests were Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres, who called for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza and the flow of aid into the besieged territory. He said that the U.N. rejects any 'forced displacement' of Palestinians.
Saturday's summit comes two months after Israel ended a ceasefire reached with the Hamas militant group in January. In recent days, Israel has launched widespread attacks in Gaza and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has vowed a further escalation to pursue his aim of destroying Hamas.
'This genocide has reached levels of ugliness not seen in all conflicts throughout history,' Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani said in a speech that called for allowing aid to flow into Gaza. Al-Sudani added that Iraq will work on setting up an Arab fund for the reconstruction of the region in which Baghdad will pay $20 million for Gaza and a similar amount for Lebanon.
Final statement calls for end to Israeli attacks in Gaza
'We demand an immediate end to the Israeli aggression on Gaza and an end to hostilities that are increasing the suffering of innocent civilians,' said the final statement issued after the summit that was read by Iraqi Foreign Minister Fouad Hussein. 'Humanitarian aid should be allowed into all areas in Palestine without conditions.'
The leaders said they reject any attempt to displace Palestinians in Gaza saying that any such move would be 'a crime against humanity and (an act of) ethnic cleansing.' The statement said Arab leaders support Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' call for the holding of an international peace conference that leads to a two-state solution.
El-Sissi said that Egypt, in coordination with Qatar and the U.S., is 'exerting intense efforts to reach a ceasefire' in Gaza, adding that the efforts led to the release of Israel-American hostage Edan Alexander. He said that Egypt plans to hold an international conference for the reconstruction of Gaza 'once the aggression stops.'
Abbas calls for Hamas to give up power in Gaza
Abbas, the Palestinian president, called on Hamas to abandon power in Gaza and along with other militant groups to hand over weapons to the Palestinian Authority. Hamas seized control of Gaza from Abbas' Western-backed Palestinian Authority in 2007, and reconciliation attempts between the rivals have repeatedly failed.
The Baghdad meeting was upstaged by U.S. President Donald Trump's tour in the region earlier in the week. Trump's visit did not usher in a deal for a new ceasefire in Gaza as many had hoped, but he grabbed headlines by meeting with new Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa — who had once fought against U.S. forces in Iraq — and promising to remove U.S. sanctions imposed on Syria.
Al-Sharaa did not attend the summit in Baghdad, where Syria's delegation was headed by Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani. Iraqi Shiite militias and political factions are wary of al-Sharaa's past as a Sunni militant and had pushed back against his invitation to the summit.
During Syria's conflict that began in March 2011, several Iraqi Shiite militias fought alongside the forces of former Syrian President Bashar Assad, making al-Sharaa today a particularly sensitive figure for them.
Arab leaders back Syrian unity
The statement issued after the summit said Arab leaders back Syria's unity and reject foreign intervention in the country. They condemned Israel's airstrikes and land incursions into Syria over the past months.
They praised Trump's plans to lift the sanctions imposed on Syria and the easing of European sanctions recently saying that would 'speed up recovery and the reconstruction process' in the war-torn country.
An Iraqi official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to media, said that Iran's Quds Force commander Esmail Ghaani paid a visit to Baghdad prior to the summit and 'conveyed messages of support for the Iranian-American negotiations' to reach a nuclear deal and lifting of crippling sanctions on Iran.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Diplomat
4 hours ago
- The Diplomat
CEAPAD and Japan's Cautious Approach to Palestine
There is a growing push by G-7 member states to frame Palestinian recognition as diplomatic censure of Israel's conduct in Gaza. France has pledged unconditional recognition; the United Kingdom has announced plans to recognize Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly absent 'substantive steps' toward a ceasefire; and Canada has joined the chorus, conditional on Palestinian Authority reforms. Rather than aligning with this momentum, Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Hayashi Yoshimasa reiterated Tokyo's commitment to 'supporting progress for peace,' including 'the appropriate timing and methods' for advancing that goal. This careful positioning echoes earlier remarks by Japanese Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi, who reaffirmed Japan's longstanding support for a two-state solution and spotlighted Japan's flagship mechanism to channel aid and foster peace: the Conference on Cooperation among East Asian Countries for Palestinian Development (CEAPAD). Technocratic and apolitical by design, CEAPAD encapsulates Japan's longstanding approach to the Israel-Palestine issue – cautious, development-oriented, and rooted in quiet multilateralism. This preference has shaped Japan's engagement since it became one of the most steadfast bilateral supporters of Palestinian development among G-7 nations, as reflected in its extensive aid portfolio – over $2.6 billion disbursed to date, including $230 million since October 2023 alone. In March 2025, Japan, for the first time, received wounded Palestinians for medical treatment. Tokyo's approach, though consistent, now stands in sharper relief as global diplomacy recalibrates in response to the Gaza War's devastation. CEAPAD was launched in 2013, during a window of relative diplomatic opportunity shaped by the Arab Spring's aftermath and the Obama administration's cautious optimism. More than a decade later, the conflict-averse logic underpinning CEAPAD remains unchanged. Its fourth meeting (CEAPAD IV) was held in Kuala Lumpur in July 2025 – nearly two years after an attack on Israelis by Hamas triggered a massive Israeli invasion that has killed over 63,000 people. Yet despite the ongoing conflict, the forum – attended by Japan, ASEAN states, South Korea, Palestine, and the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) – offered little beyond routine calls for humanitarian access, reconstruction, and a reaffirmation of the two-state solution. Its 2025 action plan emphasized capacity-building and development support, once again highlighting the Jericho Agro-Industrial Park (JAIP) – a 'first-of-its-kind' initiative conceived nearly two decades ago. Yet, JAIP now reads less as a forward-looking strategy and more as a legacy project, emblematic of CEAPAD's continuity at the expense of relevance amid radically altered realities on the ground. This cautious logic extended to Japan's most recent tenure on the United Nations Security Council (2023–2024), where it adhered to familiar lines: condemning Hamas, affirming Israel's right to self-defense within international law, and supporting humanitarian aid to Gaza. But this formulaic posture quickly buckled under pressure. Japan's initial reluctance to label the October 7 attacks as 'terrorism' drew accusations of hedging, even as officials framed it as 'flexibility.' Japan's subsequent support for humanitarian resolutions – occasionally diverging from U.S. positions – was meant to convey neutrality but failed to persuade. Its rejection of a Russian-sponsored resolution, citing the absence of Hamas condemnation, was widely read in Arab capitals as tacit approval of Israel's campaign, revealing the limits of Tokyo's risk-averse, rules-based diplomacy at a time when moral clarity was increasingly expected. Such diplomatic hedging reflects deeper constraints that have long shaped Japan's role in the Middle East. More than 90 percent of its oil imports come from the region, reinforcing the imperative to maintain stable ties with Gulf producers. Constitutional pacifism limits Tokyo to humanitarian and development roles, while the strength of the Japan-U.S. alliance – underpinned by Washington's staunch support for Israel – discourages political positioning that might jeopardize this strategic cornerstone. CEAPAD, in this light, is not an outlier but a microcosm of the dilemmas that have long defined Japan's regional engagement. Designed to avoid overt political confrontation, CEAPAD now struggles to respond meaningfully to the very crisis it was meant to address. Japan's tendency to follow rather than shape diplomatic responses has cast it less as a principled actor than a hand-wringing one. The dissonance is particularly stark at home. While public dissent in Japan historically remains subdued, the Gaza War has elicited sustained mobilization – rallies in Shibuya, persistent campus encampments, lone protesters holding banners for months. Even municipal actors have broken with precedent: Nagasaki's city council passed a rare resolution urging diplomatic pressure in support of Gaza, and the city's mayor declined to invite the Israeli ambassador to its annual Peace Memorial Ceremony. In the corporate sphere, Itochu Corporation withdrew from defense partnerships with Israel's Elbit Systems in early 2024, with Nippon Express soon following. These signals of domestic unease have not shifted official policy, but they expose a widening gap between Japan's bureaucratic steadiness and the moral urgency resonating across parts of its public and corporate sectors. CEAPAD's internal divisions mirror the broader diplomatic gridlock. While launched by Japan, the forum includes ASEAN members with sharply divergent positions on the conflict. Malaysia has adopted a starkly pro-Hamas stance, refusing Israeli ship entries and accusing Israel of genocide. Indonesia has endorsed South Africa's genocide case and called for Israel's suspension from the United Nations. Brunei supports full U.N. membership for Palestine. At the other end, Singapore and the Philippines reflect a more cautious line, endorsing the two-state solution but resisting punitive measures. Crucially, the Palestinian delegation at CEAPAD IV was led by a West Bank-based minister with no authority in Gaza. Since Hamas seized control of the enclave in 2007, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has played no role in its day-to-day governance of Gaza. Long before the current war, Hamas oversaw civil administration, managed aid, and employed tens of thousands of civil servants – including teachers, police, and bureaucrats – forming the core of Gaza's public sector. Despite the war's devastation, fragments of this apparatus remain intact. CEAPAD, in effect, channels development support through a leadership that has been structurally excluded from half the territory it claims to represent. The PA's legitimacy crisis compounds the problem. A poll by the Arab World for Research and Development (AWRAD) found that only 31 percent of Gazans support a PA-led government, while 47 percent prefer a national unity arrangement. In the West Bank, just 10 percent back the PA, with 25 percent favoring Hamas. Across both territories, over 60 percent of respondents describe the PA as a burden. CEAPAD's continued focus on West Bank institutions and PA-centric frameworks only deepens its disconnect from Palestinian political realities. UNRWA's mounting controversies have further exposed CEAPAD's institutional fragility. It is now entangled in mounting legal and political controversies. A new U.S. lawsuit filed in August 2025 accuses the agency of aiding Hamas and Hezbollah, following the Trump administration's rollback of immunity protections. This follows earlier suits filed by victims of the October 7 attack. At CEAPAD IV, Iwaya reiterated Japan's intent to 'consider necessary assistance' to UNRWA, while encouraging 'enhancement of its governance.' Yet that message sits uneasily with the agency's deteriorating operational environment. Recent Israeli legislation has banned UNRWA operations in parts of East Jerusalem and sharply curtailed its access to Gaza. Japan's temporary funding suspension – later reversed – was emblematic of the reputational fallout that now shadows CEAPAD's legitimacy. This ideological dissonance hampers CEAPAD's ability to function as a strategic forum. The forum's lowest-common-denominator messaging—'two-state solution,' 'capacity-building,' 'aid delivery'—feels increasingly unmoored from the cacophony on the ground. What once passed for pragmatic ambiguity now risks irrelevance. The Middle East that CEAPAD was built to serve has been remapped. The Gaza War has torn open a Pandora's box of intractable grievances, exposing the fragility of long-favored diplomatic approaches to the Palestinian question. Whether Japan is prepared to recalibrate remains to be seen. In this altered landscape, CEAPAD – once a distinctive East Asian contribution to Palestinian state-building and a clever workaround for regional sensitivities – now feels adrift. CEAPAD, and Japan's approach to Palestine more broadly, increasingly resembles old wine in an old bottle: its framework frozen in a bygone era, ill-suited to the urgency and complexity of the present.
Japan Today
5 hours ago
- Japan Today
U.N., media groups condemn Israel's deadly strike on Al Jazeera team in Gaza
The strike that killed the Al-Jazeera journalists came with Israel preparing to expand its campaign in the Gaza Strip By David Stout Condemnations poured in from the United Nations and media rights groups on Monday after an Israeli strike killed an Al Jazeera news team in Gaza, as Palestinians mourned the journalists and Israel accused one of them of being a Hamas militant. Dozens of Gazans stood amid bombed-out buildings in the courtyard of Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City to pay their respects to Anas al-Sharif, a prominent Al Jazeera correspondent aged 28, and four of his colleagues killed on Sunday. Hospital director Mohammed Abu Salmiya said a sixth journalist, freelance reporter Mohammed Al-Khaldi, was killed in the strike that targeted the Al Jazeera team. Mourners including men wearing blue journalists' flak jackets carried their bodies, wrapped in white shrouds with their faces exposed, through narrow alleys to their graves. Israel confirmed it had targeted Sharif, whom it labelled a "terrorist" affiliated with Hamas, alleging he "posed as a journalist". Al Jazeera said four other employees -- correspondent Mohammed Qreiqeh, and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal and Moamen Aliwa -- were killed when the strike hit a tent set up for journalists outside the main gate of Al-Shifa. An Israeli military statement accused Sharif of heading a Hamas "terrorist cell" and being "responsible for advancing rocket attacks" against Israelis. The military released documents alleging to show the date of Sharif's enlistment with Hamas in 2013, an injury report from 2017 and the name of his military unit and rank. According to local journalists who knew him, Sharif had worked at the start of his career with a Hamas communication office, where his role was to publicize events organized by the group that has ruled the Gaza Strip since 2006. Sharif was one of the Al Jazeera's most recognizable faces working on the ground in Gaza, providing daily reports on the now 22-month-old war. Media freedom groups have condemned the Israeli strike on journalists, which the UN human rights agency called a "grave breach of international humanitarian law". A posthumous message, written by Sharif in April in case of his death, was published online saying he had been silenced and urging people "not to forget Gaza". In July, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called for his protection following online posts by an Israeli military spokesman. The group had accused Israel of a "pattern" of labeling journalists militants "without providing credible evidence", and said the military had leveled similar accusations against media workers in Gaza including Al Jazeera staff. "International law is clear that active combatants are the only justified targets in a war setting," Jodie Ginsberg, CPJ's chief executive, told AFP on Monday. Unless Israel "can demonstrate that Anas al-Sharif was still an active combatant, then there is no justification for his killing", she said. Al Jazeera called the attack "a desperate attempt to silence voices exposing the Israeli occupation", as it described Sharif as "one of Gaza's bravest journalists". The Qatari broadcaster also said the strike followed "repeated incitement" and calls by Israeli officials to target Sharif and his colleagues. Reporters Without Borders says nearly 200 journalists have been killed in the war, which was sparked by Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel. Israel prevents international reporters from entering Gaza, except on occasional tightly controlled trips with the military. The strike on the news team in Gaza City came days after the Israeli security cabinet had approved plans to sent troops into the area, a decision met with mounting domestic and international criticism. Netanyahu on Sunday said the military will conquer the remaining quarter or so of the territory not yet controlled by Israeli troops -- including much of Gaza City and Al-Mawasi, an Israeli-designated safe zone where huge numbers of Palestinians have sought refuge. The plan, which Israeli media reported had triggered bitter disagreement between the government and military leadership, drew condemnation from protesters in Israel and numerous countries, including Israeli allies. Notably, Germany, a major weapons supplier and staunch ally, announced the suspension of shipments of any arms that could be used in Gaza. Australia said it would join a growing list of Western nations in recognizing a Palestinian state. Netanyahu has remained defiant, telling journalists on Sunday that "we will win the war, with or without the support of others." The United Nations and humanitarian agencies have condemned the planned offensive, which U.N. Assistant Secretary-General Miroslav Jenca said "will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza". U.N. agencies warned last month that famine was unfolding in the territory, with Israel severely restricting the entry of aid. Israel's offensive has killed at least 61,499 Palestinians, according to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza, figures the United Nations says are reliable. Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel resulted in the deaths of 1,219 people, according to an AFP tally based on official figures. © 2025 AFP
The Diplomat
11 hours ago
- The Diplomat
Israeli Tourist Boom in Sri Lanka's Arugam Bay Stirs Local Unease
Colombo has been slow to crack down on unruly Israelis as it fears punitive action from the U.S. and other Western countries that could adversely hit tourist arrivals. A few weeks ago, Australian DJ Tom Monagle filmed a walk-through of Arugam Bay, a popular surfing destination in Sri Lanka's Eastern Province. Walking through the tourist town, Monagle pointed at Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) stickers on walls, and Hebrew signboards outnumbering those in Sinhala, Tamil, and English, and wondered aloud whether he was in Tel Aviv. Mongle's clip went viral in Sri Lanka because it mirrored a growing unease among many Sri Lankans about what was happening in the country's east coast: a visible and growing Israeli footprint, and a sense that some visitors are not just holidaying but operating outside the rules. Tourism is one of the key foreign revenue generators for Sri Lanka. The country earned over $1.7 billion from tourism in the first half of 2025, and the government expects that this year, earnings from tourism will be their highest ever. However, while most Sri Lankans understand the importance of a vibrant tourist sector, there is a growing unease among Sri Lankans about the behavior and activities of tourists from certain countries, especially Israelis. Since Sri Lanka reopened its borders to tourists in 2022, the number of tourists from Israel has risen rapidly. There were 19,517 arrivals in 2023, 24,845 in 2024, and 13,014 by the end of July 2025. Given that most tourists arrive in the latter months of the year, it is likely that this year, Sri Lanka will see its highest number of tourists from Israel. Most Israelis gravitate to surf towns in the island's south and east, especially Arugam Bay. The increase in Israeli tourists can be traced to the efforts of Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. As Sri Lankan journalist Hassaan Shazuli highlights in a recent Substack post, in early 2022, the Rajapaksa administration assisted an Israeli film crew to shoot a movie titled 'Arugam Bay.' According to promotional material for the movie, 'the story of a group of childhood friends from Israel, all surfers in the same commando unit in the Israeli army, who visit Sri Lanka to heal from a traumatic experience.' Wickremesinghe's administration kept channels open and his ministers in charge of tourism and foreign employment pushed for closer ties with Israel. Within a year following the rapid influx of Israelis, Sri Lankan journalists reported that some of the Israeli tourists had started running illegal businesses, especially in Arugam Bay. In June 2023, the Sunday Times reported that 'a whole bunch of new school people who set up surf schools, photography schools, yoga schools and so on, which are unregulated,' and that in the South 'even legitimate Israeli businesses bring down Israeli workers on tourist visas to construct their buildings.' Things have decidedly taken a turn for the worse since Israel's military offensives in Gaza in October 2023. Tension between Israeli tourists and businesses and Muslims in Arugam Bay has increased. In late 2024, the United States issued a travel advisory against Sri Lanka over alleged threats to Israelis in the country. The U.S. embassy in Colombo said they have 'credible information warning of an attack targeting popular tourist locations in the Arugam Bay area.' The Sri Lankan government arrested three people following these reports, but insisted that there was no concrete evidence against those who have been arrested. A few months later Sri Lankan authorities arrested a young man for pasting pro-Palestinian stickers. He was released recently and the police have admitted that they had 'found no evidence' against the young man. Despite the growing tensions, Sri Lanka has allowed visa-free travel to Israeli tourists in recent weeks. Monagle's TikTok went viral at a time when growing numbers of Sri Lankans were uneasy not only about Israel's actions in Gaza, but also about the rising presence of Israelis in their country. Concerns were heightened by the activities of certain fringe groups supporting Israel and fears that mounting anger over these issues could escalate into a national security threat. There is also speculation that the National People's Power (NPP,) a staunch pro-Palestinian political entity, is under pressure from the United States to take action against any anti-Zionist sentiments in Sri Lanka. This unease over Israeli tourists is not a sentiment unique to Sri Lankans. In India, the so-called Hummus Trail routes ex-soldiers through Kasol, Goa, and Himachal Pradesh for months of low-cost, high-freedom living. Documentaries and reporting there have chronicled drug use, psychotic flip-outs, and the role of Chabad and Israeli rescue outfits in retrieving travelers who get themselves into precarious situations. Visa overstays, unlicensed nightlife, and scuffles with pro-Palestinian locals seem to be an increasing phenomenon associated with Israeli tourists. So why is Sri Lanka slow to crack down? American support for Israel underlies the Sri Lankan government's reluctance to rein in the Israeli tourists. Israel's leverage runs through Washington. Any forceful, public action against Israeli visitors would trigger blowback beyond Jerusalem. U.S. travel advisories are usually repeated by other western countries. These could devastate tourist bookings in peak season. The U.S. could also increase tariffs on Sri Lankan exports. U.S. President Donald Trump warned Canada, a close ally and a member of the Five Eyes, not to extend recognition to a Palestinian state as that would adversely affect trade negotiations. One doesn't have to accept his stated rationale to grasp the risk. Sri Lanka needs tourism receipts and export growth; discretionary shocks hurt. The opposition political parties criticized the government's alleged tilt toward Israel, pointing to visa-free entry for Israeli tourists as proof that the traditionally pro-Palestinian National People's Power (NPP) has changed its stance. But the same opposition would likely hit the streets if firm action on Israeli tourists sparked a U.S. tariff snapback or a slump in arrivals. The government is squeezed between values (nonalignment, empathy for Palestinians) and vulnerabilities (dollars, debt, and jobs). In that gap, symbolism often beats substance and enforcement gets deferred. There are several procedural practices the state can implement to minimize public anger and reduce illegal activities by foreigners. However, given who is backing Israel and Sri Lanka's extreme dependence on the U.S. market, in the short term, there is little that can be done against the IDF stickers on walls, Israeli businesses that have crowded out the others, or religious structures Israelis have built. There is also nothing the government can do to reduce the anger of Muslims, especially those who live in the east. In the end, Sri Lanka's dilemma over the surge in Israeli tourism is less about a single nationality and more about the structural vulnerabilities that limit the country's room for maneuver. Sri Lanka has been suffering from balance of payment issues for decades, and these issues have only grown following the dismantling of the country's industrial base since the late 1970s. Successive governments have promoted services and encouraged Sri Lankans to seek employment in other countries. While tourism and remittances help keep the country's economy afloat, they also make Sri Lanka highly dependent on volatile markets and actors. In the long run, only a more resilient economy, less dependent on volatile external flows, will give Sri Lanka the freedom to set and enforce its own red lines without fear of economic or political blowback.
