
US President's new deals contain mostly top-line figures but have landed at politically useful time
'I thought the EU would be the most prone to retaliation. And yet, they didn't do it. They really gave in to most of what Trump wanted.'
Though many details of the agreement were unclear, the EU and the US agreed to a broad-brush trade deal that sets a 15% tariff on most EU goods, including cars, averting what could have become a painful trade war with a bloc that is the US' single biggest source of imports.
The EU also agreed to purchase US$750 billion worth of US energy, which Ursula von der Leyen, president of the EU's executive branch, said would be spread over three years.
That, she noted, is roughly the length of Trump's remaining term in office.
The bloc also agreed to increase its investment in the US by more than US$600b.
The two sides agreed to drop tariffs to zero on a range of goods including aircraft, plane parts, certain chemicals, certain generic drugs, semiconductor equipment and some agricultural products, von der Leyen said.
She acknowledged that the tariffs could prove tough for some European businesses but defended the deal in light of higher tariffs Trump had threatened.
'Fifteen per cent is not to be underestimated, but it is the best we could get,' she said.
It was a positive political development for Trump on a number of fronts.
Economists have mostly been sour on the idea of his sweeping tariffs, warning of dire consequences including inflation and rising unemployment.
And even as many criticised the wisdom of Trump's economic policies, his Administration came under added fire over its struggle to negotiate deals.
The agreement with the EU, the America's largest trading partner, may tamp down some of the criticism.
The agreement may also offer Trump a way to divert the news cycle from his Administration's handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files - a controversy that has dogged him for weeks.
At a news conference on the trade deal, a reporter asked Trump whether he had rushed the agreement forward in an attempt to knock the Epstein story line out of the news.
'You've got to be kidding,' a frustrated Trump responded. 'That had nothing to do with it.'
Trade negotiations are famously complex and time-consuming, so most analysts doubted that Trump could have much success in quickly striking deals.
The Peterson Institute for International Economics said in a 2016 analysis that negotiations for a single trade deal can take more than a year, with implementation taking multiple years.
That didn't stop the White House from issuing bold predictions.
Within days of the April 2 announcement of tariffs on countries across the globe, White House officials said about 70 countries were calling to strike deals. Trump's trade adviser predicted 90 agreements in 90 days.
As the deals proved tougher to negotiate than advertised, Trump lamented the pressure he was under.
'Everyone says, 'When, when, when are you going to sign deals?'' he said in May. At one point he said: 'We don't have to sign deals'.
The agreements Trump has announced in recent days contain mostly top-line figures.
They are not the detailed, complex documents that the US has historically negotiated, which can number in the hundreds of pages.
And the new deal with the EU could still run into trouble.
The Trump Administration faces nearly a dozen lawsuits seeking to have its tariffs declared illegal on the grounds that Trump does not have the authority to impose them without the consent of Congress.
Should those suits succeed, Trump would be back to square one.
Andrew Hale, a trade policy analyst for the conservative Heritage Foundation, cautioned against reading too much into the deal with the EU until the text is released and the lawsuits are resolved.
'These are not comprehensive free trade agreements,' he said.
'Let's make that very clear. And much of this may evaporate.'
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
Written by: Luke Broadwater
©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES
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NZ Herald
an hour ago
- NZ Herald
Trump's tariff moves suggest Indian and US co-operation over China can no-longer be counted on
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Together, the US and India were seen as ready to use each other to try to restrain China's might. Total trade between the US and India was roughly US$130 billion last year. India's top exports to America include pharmaceuticals, auto parts, electrical goods, and gemstones. Modi's confidence in enlisting the US in its economic rise was well grounded. US administrations have been courting India as a geopolitical ally for more than a quarter of a century, since India announced its nuclear arsenal as a deterrent, it said, to China. And American dollars have poured into India as China's economy has matured and become more assertive. The Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine were the catalysts for a surge in investment. Multinational companies grew excited about doing business in India, to reduce the risk of exposure to China as it girds for a trade war with the US and possibly a real war with Taiwan. Manufacturing and professional services led the way. Wall Street followed, banking on the future growth of India, with its relatively young population and enviable political stability. But over the past week, Trump's escalating attacks on India have suddenly undermined this joint venture and sent reverberations throughout the business worlds of both countries. Today, an executive order by Trump said that India would face an extra 25% tariff starting on August 27 if it continued to buy oil from Russia. That levy on Indian goods imported into the US would come on top of a 25% tariff Trump announced last week, which is set to take effect tomorrow and on its own ranks as one of the highest rates in Asia. India's Foreign Ministry responded to Trump's executive order, reiterating that the country's motives for importing oil from Russia were tied to the energy needs of its 1.4 billion people. It was 'extremely unfortunate that the US should choose to impose additional tariffs on India for actions that several other countries are also taking in their own national interest,' the ministry's statement said. Indian officials had signalled over the weekend that they did not intend to stop buying Russian oil. With his tariff threats, Trump has thrown months of trade talks between both countries into question. Just a couple of weeks ago, negotiators and business leaders sounded upbeat. Even with some difficult details to be settled, the expectation was that India and the US mean too much to each other to let a global trade war tear them apart. US President Donald Trump with Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India during a meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, on February 13. With threats of tariffs up to 50%, Trump seems to be scrapping America's plan to turn India into a counterweight to China, declaring instead that it was a 'dead economy'. 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Trump's plan is to bring back manufacturing to the US, which is also the reason he has given for imposing another special tariff on semiconductors. Unfortunately for Indian and American companies, and some in East Asia too, everyone has been spending to make India competitive in this sector. Micron, based in Idaho, has taken advantage of Indian government subsidies to put US$2.5b into building chipmaking facilities in Modi's home state of Gujarat. High finance has also followed brick-and-mortar businesses. The Indian stock market has been on a bull run, finding enthusiastic new buyers among middle-class Indians. That made foreign investors eager for private deals. Stephen Schwarzman, chief executive of Blackstone, a New York investment firm, said this year that it was putting US$11b into Indian data centres to fuel the global artificial intelligence boom. A Mumbai-based investment professional, who was not authorised to speak publicly, said there was much more at stake in these investments than their dollar value. Bets like Blackstone's are about the future of business between India, China, and the US, he said, and bring expertise from one economy to another. India was benefitting from that. But now it looks like a vulnerability. The rupture of the relationship has generated huge uncertainty. Who wants to be responsible for making the next big bet? Some parts of the US-Indian equation look relatively secure. The trade in goods between the two countries has never been as important to their economic relationship as their trade in services and other people-to-people exchanges. Indians are just as present in American boardrooms as American-trained Indians are in Mumbai's corner offices. One aspect of this exchange, the proliferation of globally integrated, high-end offices in India — first in information technology and then across the professions — has remained a bright spot. Worth US$65b last year, it is more valuable than the total trade deficit in goods. China does not hold a candle to India's ability as a hub for office work other countries send its way. As frightening as the new tariffs are for many Indian factories, most American investors who have built stakes in India are not yet fleeing. They do, however, remember what happened in 2020, when India and China traded blows at their border and 24 soldiers were killed. Almost overnight, Chinese companies were forced to ditch their Indian investments at a loss. A war of words and tariffs is different, of course. However, Indian and American co-operation around China is no longer something that anyone can count on. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Written by: Alex Travelli Photographs by: Saumya Khandelwal, Eric Lee ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES

RNZ News
an hour ago
- RNZ News
US to ease human rights criticism of El Salvador, Israel and Russia, Washington Post says
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Otago Daily Times
3 hours ago
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