logo
Nicola Sturgeon: Alex Salmond refused to read independence white paper

Nicola Sturgeon: Alex Salmond refused to read independence white paper

Times6 days ago
Alex Salmond refused to read the SNP's crucial independence blueprint in the run-up to the 2014 referendum, Nicola Sturgeon has claimed.
In the latest explosive allegations which have reopened deep rifts within the independence movement, Sturgeon accused Salmond of an 'abdication of responsibility' in the months before the historic vote that could have delivered on the SNP's foundational mission.
In an interview with ITV ahead of the publication of her long-awaited memoir, Sturgeon said she had been left in a 'cold fury' when her former mentor said he was going on a trade mission to China without reading a draft of the Scottish government's white paper on independence, a few weeks before it was due to be published.
The 670-page document, which was released in November 2013, was then seen as critical to the Yes campaign's prospects of turning around what was then a significant deficit in the polls before the historic September 2014 vote.
However, Sturgeon, who was then deputy first minister, claimed that she suffered a 'panic attack' due to the pressure of compiling a document in which her boss showed no interest.
'He really didn't engage in the work of the drafting or the compilation of the white paper at all,' Sturgeon told ITV's News at Ten presenter Julie Etchingham, in a major interview to mark this week's publication of her memoir Frankly. 'He was the leader, he was the first minister, and he hadn't read it.
'He'd maybe read bits. I don't even know if he'd read bits of it. I knew I was going to have to sit him down and say, 'Look, you're going to have to read this, and you're going to have to tell me now if there are bits you want to change, because it has to be signed off'.
'He told me he was going on a trade mission to China. I don't think I'd ever felt as much cold fury at him as I did in that moment. It just seemed to me like an abdication of responsibility.'
The suggestion that as first minister, Salmond, who died of a heart attack in October last year, potentially jeopardised the success of the independence campaign led to outrage from his allies.
• Alex Salmond obituary: ambitious politician who fought for independence
It follows Sturgeon's inflammatory suggestion, published in extracts of Frankly in The Times and Sunday Times, that he may have leaked allegations that he was facing an investigation for sexual misconduct to a tabloid newspaper himself.
Sturgeon said that she had become overwhelmed at having to deliver the white paper, which was titled Scotland's Future, which the SNP had promised voters would answer critical questions about how a Scottish state would operate.
'I remember an evening which I just suddenly had this overwhelming sense of impossibility,' she said. 'I can't get this to the point it needs to be at. It's so unwieldy. It's so difficult.
'And I just remember having what I can only describe as a panic attack. I was sobbing on the floor of my office at home and just my heart was racing.'
Salmond went on his trade mission to China on November 3, 2013, when the white paper had been in development for several months. It was published 23 days later, with Sturgeon and Salmond launching it side by side.
While there were several doubts raised about the claims within the document, not least the projections of lucrative oil revenues which later turned out to have been wildly optimistic, the event was broadly seen as a presentational success.
Although Scots voted against independence by a margin of 55 per cent to 45 per cent, the document was seen as a factor in closing the gap in the polls which in late 2013 had shown a far wider lead for the unionist campaign.
Sturgeon's claims that Salmond had not been engaged with the contents of the document provoked conflicting accounts from senior figures who were involved in the Yes campaign. One described Sturgeon's allegations as 'mental'.
'What is she talking about? Of course Alex was engaged in it,' one source said. 'There were umpteen meetings in the run up to its publication discussing it.'
However another gave credence to Sturgeon's version of events.
'It is not a surprise Nicola is saying this,' the former advisor said. 'Within the narrow confines at the top of the SNP it was talked about, and has been discussed since. It reflects what I heard at the time, there was a disconnect, she was doing all the heavy lifting.'
Salmond and Sturgeon were once seen as the closest of political allies but the pair fell out after sexual misconduct allegations against him, which first emerged publicly in 2018. Salmond was later cleared of any criminality following a trial in 2020.
In extracts of her book, Sturgeon claimed it would have been 'classic Alex' to have leaked details of the investigation as he was practiced in the 'dark arts' of media manipulation and knew they would have become public anyway.
Her remarks provoked a furious backlash among friends and allies of Salmond, who accused Sturgeon of launching unfounded attacks on a man they see as a titan of the independence movement, who is now unable to defend himself.
David Clegg, the journalist who broke the story for the Daily Record and is now editor of The Courier, said at the weekend that Sturgeon's claims that Salmond was behind the initial leak were 'not credible'. He maintains he does not know who leaked the story by anonymously sending secret documents to his newspaper.
In her ITV interview, Sturgeon said she had been hit by a 'wave of grief' after learning of Salmond's death, at the age of 69, despite the pair having not spoken in years.
'Even today I still miss him in some way — the person that I used to know and the relationship we used to have,' she said.
'But I thought I had made my peace with it, that I'd got to a point where I felt nothing. And then I got a call to tell me that Alex Salmond had died. I started crying on the phone and I just was hit by this wave of grief … and it was complicated because obviously we weren't just no longer friends, we were political enemies.
• Sturgeon: I came perilously close to a breakdown
'There was no prospect I was going to be able to go to his funeral or anything like that and it was a kind of strange, strange feeling.'
Kenny MacAskill, who served in the SNP cabinet throughout the run up to the referendum, disputed Sturgeon's claims about the white paper. MacAskill succeeded Salmond as leader of the Alba Party, which he set up after his departure from the SNP, following his death.
'The white paper was drafted by a team of civil servants,' MacAskill said. 'All cabinet secretaries were given copies to review. Alex Salmond oversaw every aspect of the government even though he allowed ministers to just get on with their job.
'The issue he kept some responsibility for was the constitution. Alex Salmond was also a master of detail. Many issues in the paper were fraught and complex with much discussion. The idea that he avoided oversight is simply laughable. Alex was in charge and always on top of matters. Yet again Nicola Sturgeon seeks to rewrite history. '
Chris McEleny, a former general secretary of the Alba Party, said Sturgeon's latest claims about independence exposed her book as a work of 'amateur fiction'.
'Alex took us closer to independence than we've ever been, whereas Nicola destroyed the independence movement and has few achievements to look back on,' McEleny, who was close to Salmond during the final years of his life, said.
'That Nicola's upset that Alex went on a trade mission and left her to complete a task she was responsible for sums up her lack of personal political accountability.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Glasgow plans first automatic voter registration pilot
Glasgow plans first automatic voter registration pilot

The Herald Scotland

timean hour ago

  • The Herald Scotland

Glasgow plans first automatic voter registration pilot

If approved, the project would use existing council data to automatically enrol those in the city eligible to vote, rather than relying on individuals to register themselves. READ MORE The scheme draws on lessons from trials in Wales, where several local authorities have tested similar systems to expand the voter roll. SNP councillor Alex Kerr, who represents Baillieston, spearheaded the initiative. His motion calling on Glasgow to volunteer as a pilot site was approved by the council in April. 'This is a big step towards making voting in Glasgow more accessible, inclusive and representative of our whole community,' said Cllr Kerr. 'Too many people fall off the electoral register simply because they did not fill in a form, even though their eligibility is already known. Automatic voter registration would help ensure every eligible Glaswegian has their voice heard in our democracy.' Supporter of AVR argue the system removes barriers that disproportionately affect certain groups. The Electoral Commission estimates around 8 million eligible voters are missing from UK electoral rolls, with renters and minority ethnic communities among those most likely to be unregistered. Cllr Kerr said: 'Scotland has a strong track record in leading the way on expanding participation in our democracy through policies like votes at 16 which are now being adopted across these islands. "Those from more deprived backgrounds, who are disabled or from ethnic minorities are likely to benefit most — but even those moving house will find it easier to get their vote. "One less bit of paperwork to think about when changing your details for bills and other bodies." If the plan moves ahead, the Glasgow pilot would use education records, council tax billing, university data, and registrars' citizenship information. It will require robust verification measures, including the use of data from the Department for Work and Pensions, the Home Office, and death notifications. 'I am delighted that Glasgow Council is moving forward with this proposal, and that we are looking at practical, data-driven solutions to strengthen participation,' Cllr Kerr added. In the paper put to councillors last week, officers warned that developing the pilot would have 'material staffing implications' and would require dedicated resources. The Electoral Registration Officer is now seeking Scottish Government funding to support the work. A further report will go before councillors later this year, outlining how the scheme would operate and how success will be measured.

Why a plebiscite election won't deliver Scottish independence
Why a plebiscite election won't deliver Scottish independence

The National

timean hour ago

  • The National

Why a plebiscite election won't deliver Scottish independence

This week, let's take a look at what is being canvassed as the principal alternative to that strategy. This is generally described as the plebiscite election strategy. This argues that we should make the vote at the election the vote about Scotland's independence. If, when we add up all the votes for pro-independence parties it comes to 50%+1, then we take that as a mandate to start negotiations with the UK. There was quite a lot wrong with this idea when Nicola Sturgeon toyed with it in 2021 and there's a lot wrong with it now. And that's even assuming it might be possible to get all the parties involved to agree. READ MORE: Rachel Reeves failed to raise Grangemouth with refinery owner days before closure To be clear, I'm not against trying to get a majority of the electorate to vote for parties that support independence. Indeed, there's no reason why that shouldn't in part be a consequence of the SNP trying to win a majority. These objectives are not contradictory. The first problem is getting acceptance from the people taking part in the election that it is a vote on deciding independence. We don't need everyone to agree, but we do need a majority to buy into the idea. This proposition will be hotly contested. Elections are about many things. Asking people to set aside concerns about everything else and focus on Scotland's constitutional future will be a big ask. We should remember that while there may be a majority telling pollsters they want Scotland to be independent, many of them are not that strongly attached to the idea. Their support is based on a belief that things couldn't be any worse. There are also not insignificant numbers who vote Labour or Liberal Democrat but who also believe in Scotland becoming independent. They would vote Yes in a referendum, but that doesn't mean they will abandon their allegiance to a party they identify with at the 2026 election. Smart Unionists will say we can come back to a decision on indy later. For now, let's fix the health service, the housing crisis, energy costs, whatever. We know the best way to fix all of these things is to have the powers that come with independence. But that is not where many of the electorate are. So, no matter how much pro-independence parties were to tell people that is what this election is about, our opponents will shout till they are blue in the face that it isn't. And then, should we fail to get more than 50% of the votes, they will shamelessly tell us that it was about precisely that. You'll have had your referendum. Again. But the main problem with the plebiscite referendum is that it works only in the minds of its believers. They claim if a majority vote for pro-indy parties in the election, independence will then happen. Why? Kenny MacAskill said in this paper last week: 'Starmer and his Cabinet have already said no to a second referendum and nothing will change that.' If that is true, a plebiscite election won't change that. The majority of the electorate will have the same problem as the majority of MSPs. They will be ignored by a Westminster Government which takes the view that Scotland's status is a matter for it, not the people who live here. Robin McAlpine offered some insight last week. He is half right when he talks about the process following the creation of a majority and not the other way round. Most countries became independent when it was the will of most of the people, referenda only formalised what had happened on the ground. He is wrong, though, to suggest the political process is unimportant and that the campaign needs to be taken out of it. In fact, there is a dynamic relationship between the two. The missing ingredient from McAlpine's analysis is the substantial chunk of people who believe in independence but see no way of it happening. For them the link between independence and voting in elections has been broken. READ MORE: For Women Scotland launches legal action against Scottish ministers on gender policy This isn't just the SNP's problem. The support for SNP, Greens and Alba combined is still 10% below support for independence. Neither a plebiscite election nor indeed a referendum proper, is going to offer a way forward until we change that. In reality, John Swinney and Kenny MacAskill have the same problem – a critical number of independence supporters don't believe that voting for them achieves it. At least one of them doesn't pretend otherwise. So, we need a strategy for what could happen with the right election result, how could that be used to advance Scotland's autonomy. And that brings us back to asserting the right of the people and getting past the Supreme Court judgment of autumn 2023. And that requires the mobilisation of the people into a force for change. That is an expressly political task. It's not just a matter of winning elections. But winning elections is a part of it.

Titans of movement didn't get headlines that they deserved
Titans of movement didn't get headlines that they deserved

The National

timean hour ago

  • The National

Titans of movement didn't get headlines that they deserved

The focus on her and Alex Salmond detracted from the publication of a biography of Neil MacCormick and the sad passing of George Reid. Their contributions to the national cause, especially during very challenging periods, are incalculable. Both were knighted, causing a minor furore among some but the recognition was for their sterling efforts in academia and civic life, not their political activity. Besides, if it made them and their families happy, who could begrudge them considering what both gave to our cause. I was fortunate to know both and be educated and mentored by them in many ways. While Neil's biography was mentioned in legal circles and George's death reported, neither was given the prominence they deserved. Such is the price even for titans for our cause, with the media largely controlled from another land and through a London prism. Neil was my lecturer in Jurisprudence when I attended Edinburgh University in 1976 and where four years before he had been appointed Chair of Public Law at the age of only 31. It was an early elevation but fully merited for someone who had graduated from both Glasgow and Oxford, serving as president of the union at the latter, as well as teaching at both Balliol College and Dundee. But Neil was no single-minded academic, as the book brings out. If not a child prodigy, he was certainly a polymath with a huge hinterland. The son of the great John MacCormick, he was born into a nationalist household. But with his mother was active as a social worker in deprived parts of Glasgow, it was also tempered with a belief in social justice. That upbringing made the social democrat he became. I knocked doors for him in 1979 when he stood as SNP candidate in Edinburgh North an election where the SNP toiled in the fallout from the Scottish Assembly debacle. I'd get to know him better in coming years, especially when he was elected to the European Parliament in 1999 – a fitting destination for someone who had contested so many seats unsuccessfully before, often just flying the flag with no prospects of success. READ MORE: Alex Salmond's widow suing Scottish Government over sexual harassment probe Such were the times then, even for greats such as Neil, that their individual talents were unable to buck a tide towards an opponent of far less ability. Moreover, his support for Europe was well known, even publicly disagreeing with the party line of opposing membership in the 1975 European Economic Community referendum. A huge admirer of Alex Salmond, I recall him saying 'cometh the hour, cometh the man' and he would act as a special adviser to Alex when the SNP first entered government in 2007. His wise counsel also appreciated by me as justice secretary. Tragically dying far too young in 2009, thankfully Neil still saw the restoration of the Scottish Parliament his family had fought for for so long and the attaining of government for the party he'd given so much to. Neil's biography's, Neil MacCormick A Life in Politics, Philosophy and Law, was written by an Australian academic, an indictment on our land. But Professor Maksymilian Del Mar clearly hugely admires Neil's philosophical and jurisprudential work. READ MORE: 'A lad o' pairts who revelled in being of use': An obituary of George Reid Aside from a few errors, the commentary and detailing of Neil's political life is both fair and accurate and I'd forgotten his pivotal role in the rapprochement resolving the 79 Group expulsion. The book captures the intellect, decency and bonhomie of a truly great man. Sections on his academic life and work are challenging. I sat with a dictionary at my side and Googled philosophical and jurisprudential concepts and phrases. But it just made me smile. The failing was all mine and the genius of the man is acknowledged by his peers as the writer details. George Reid, meanwhile, was from a humble background in Tullibody. He came to national attention in 1974 when he won the Clackmannan and East Stirling seat in the February General Election, showing the SNP could win in what until then had been considered Labour heartlands. Having had a successful career as a TV journalist before his election, after defeat in 1979 George went off to work in communications for the International Red Cross. His work, especially in earthquake-devastated Armenia won global plaudits. Returning to Scotland in the Constitutional Convention, George (below) was recruited by Alex Salmond for the push for a Scottish Parliament and to stand for it. His speech on the Iraq war, both passionate and forged from experience, remains one of the finest ever given in the Chamber. George became presiding officer in 2003 at a difficult time with the fledgling institution tarnished by the building fiasco and other failings. But he stabilised the political wobbles and resolving the building's construction issues, his gravitas restoring faith in the Parliament. I recall a Tartan Day in New York where he oozed class, resplendent in his kilt and every inch the consummate statesman, a sharp contrast to the then first minister Jack McConnell. In our movement we stand on the shoulders of giants. Greats who proved their genius and talents in many fields and who we were blessed in supporting our cause. Both Neil and George rest in the pantheon of independence greats and must remembered.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store