
Michael Sheen ‘worried' about opportunities for young people getting into acting
He said: 'It is quite scary. I look back on my pathway of coming through, starting with a supportive family, coming from an area, you know it was old steel town and, sort of tough place to grow up in, not the sort of place you'd expect actors to come from but because we had Richard Burton that came from there and Anthony Hopkins …
'I again, one of the things I've realised as time has gone on is how important it is to see where you come from, represented on the world stage, and to know that it's possible.
'I never questioned whether you could be successful as an actor, because Burton and Hopkins were and they came from this town.'
He said: 'It does worry me that, for young people who might want to get into this, if you are relying on the bank of mum and dad or… it's really tough to even just to go and move to London, or move to wherever these places are.
'That's why it's so important to get stuff out of London and around the country.'
Earlier in the year, Sheen launched a theatre company called Welsh National Theatre, which is envisioned as separate from but complementary to Theatr Cymru, which was established in 2003 as the Welsh language national company.
National Theatre Wales closed its doors in its current form as a theatre company in December 2024, after funding was withdrawn in 2023.
On TV, Sheen has starred in series including US period drama Masters Of Sex, sitcom 30 Rock, and fantasy show Good Omens, alongside David Tennant.
He has portrayed a number of real-life public figures including former prime minister Sir Tony Blair in 2006 film The Queen, journalist David Frost in 2008's Frost/Nixon, and the Duke of York in Prime Video mini-series A Very Royal Scandal.
On stage he has played Welsh Labour Party politician Aneurin 'Nye' Bevan in the show Nye, which recently finished at the National Theatre.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Spectator
35 minutes ago
- Spectator
The oppression of Sally Rooney
Almost a decade ago the Irish academic Liam Kennedy published a tremendous book with the title Unhappy the Land: the Most Oppressed People Ever, the Irish? It is a dissection of one of the most curious pathologies in the world: the desire to have been oppressed; a glorying in being repressed. Kennedy, like a few other brave writers (Ruth Dudley Edwards, Malachi O'Doherty, Kevin Myers) has the courage to point to an under-examined seam in Ireland's history. Specifically he takes aim at the mawkishness that exists in contemporary Irish affairs. The desire to be the first victim, perhaps the greatest victim, of all victims, anywhere in the world. You see similar strains of aspiring victimhood in other mini-nationalisms. Over recent years, Scots and Welsh Nats have all sought to join in the victimhood jamboree. Some years ago I heard a Welsh poetess speaking to a very international and diverse audience. She made her opening plea, or boast, by saying that everyone should remember that the Welsh were the 'first victims' of colonisation – a point which can only be responded to by some combination of a yelp and a yawn. But nobody ever beat the Irish in the victimhood Olympics. Whatever era in their history they want to look at, they can always find a narrative of suffering. Sometimes it has some justification, as with the famine of the 1800s. At other times, as with the Easter Rising and the IRA, the story is sugar-coated to turn people's attention away from the fact that Irish history has been dominated by an unusual percentage of vainglorious murderers and aspiring martyrs. As Kennedy writes: 'There is an almost palpable sense of victimhood and exceptionalism in the presentation of the Irish national past, particularly as reconstructed and displayed for political purpose.' Now that the Troubles are largely over, some Irish people seem almost bored by the peace dividend. And so they scour the Earth looking for other beleaguered people with whom they can claim brotherhood and whom they can, in a variety of ways, patronise. In recent years, no group has been a better candidate for adoption by the Irish than the Palestinian people. It can be seen in the proliferation of Palestinian politics in Irish politics and the singling out of the state of Israel for unusual vilification. It can be seen in the Irish government's planned anti-Israel legislation and in its other curious efforts to interpose themselves into the centre of a conflict in which they have absolutely no role. Given that the Irish government in the 1930s and 1940s looked at the Allies and the Nazis and found it impossible to decide which side to come down on, the current Irish decision to draw a simplistic and ill-informed position on the Israel-Palestine conflict is doubly odd, until you realise that it allows a certain type of Irish person the opportunity to be a sort of bigger sibling in suffering to the Palestinians, with the side-offering of a dose of good old Irish anti-Semitism. This week the newspapers led with a story about the Irish writer Sally Rooney. Her novels have gained some popular acclaim, have sold well and been adapted for television. Born in 1991 in County Mayo, she appears to have been well-marinaded in the prejudices of her native land. In 2021 she made headlines when she refused to have her latest book translated into Hebrew. After all, we can't allow those Hebrew-ites to enjoy middle-rate fiction, can we? She has also called for a boycott of all Israeli cultural institutions. I don't believe Rooney has called for a boycott of any other nation at war, but then why would she? In the Guardian and elsewhere she has expounded her low-resolution understanding of a foreign conflict into which she seeks to throw herself gleefully. Recently the group Palestine Action was proscribed by the British government as a terrorist group. Rooney was one of the 'celebrities' who chose to lobby against this decision. She said: 'Palestine Action is not an armed group. It has never been responsible for any fatalities and does not pose any risk to public safety.' Which isn't quite true. The group has claimed responsibility for hundreds of incidents across the UK, many of which have turned violent. Last summer, Palestine Action activists broke into the Bristol HQ of defence technology firm Elbit Systems. Two police officers were struck with a sledgehammer and an employee suffered head injuries. One of the officers was taken to hospital, while his colleagues seized sledgehammers, axes and other weapons. In June, Palestine Action broke into RAF Brize Norton and damaged aircraft. Estimates of the cost of the damage run from £7 million to more than £30 million. One of those allegedly involved, Muhammad Umer Khalid, 22, faces charges relating to criminal damage and the compromising of this country's security. One of the group's heads faces prosecution over a speech he made on 8 October 2023, in which he said that the massacre of Jews in Israel (named by Hamas 'the Al-Aqsa flood'), which was then still going on, should be emulated everywhere. Or as he put it: 'When we hear the resistance, the Al-Aqsa flood, we must turn that flood into a tsunami of the whole world.' Still, Rooney claims that a ban on Palestine Action constitutes an 'alarming curtailment of free speech'. The other day in the Irish Times, Rooney made herself the martyr in all this, writing ominously: 'My books, at least for now, are still published in Britain and are widely available in bookshops and even supermarkets.' In a similarly self-important vein, she declared that she intended to go on supporting Palestine Action in any way she could, including by donating royalties from her books and TV adaptations. Although she seems to hear the jackboots of the Stasi British police at her door, Rooney is of course Irish, and appears to live in Ireland. And so wittingly or otherwise she joins a long list of Irish public figures willing to throw themselves into the middle of a row – any row – so long as it allows them the warm, fuzzy feeling of continuing to be part of the most oppressed people ever.


Spectator
35 minutes ago
- Spectator
Nigel Farage is banking on a political sea change
Nigel Farage is adept at riding the currents of British politics. When he named Reform after the Canadian party in 2020, it was a statement of intent. Like Preston Manning in the 1990s, he aimed to displace this country's main centre-right party and refashion it in his image. But where Manning fell short, handing over the reins to Stephen Harper, Farage aims to go one better by becoming prime minister himself. A keen angler, Farage has spent his few moments of downtime this summer fishing. On one such trip, he took an assembled group of journalists to the English Channel to highlight the small boat crossings. Amid rising discontent, with protests outside asylum seeker hotels, Farage has netted a tidy haul of Tory defectors, including the Welsh MS Laura Ann Jones and London councillor Laila Cunningham. More are expected shortly. As well as new faces joining Reform, there are old ones too. Jack Duffin, a longtime loyalist, is the party's new director of campaigns. In a fortnight's time, Reform will head to Birmingham for its annual conference. 'The next step' is this year's slogan. Aside from the usual pyrotechnics, the event aims to show how much the party has grown in the past year. Reform are trying to form their own quasi–shadow cabinet, with key figures focusing on specific areas. Andrea Jenkyns and Lee Anderson will speak on a broader mix of themes and topics than last year. The party's long-awaited deportation strategy is expected to be unveiled next week. The party is currently bolstering its policy team but will adopt an à la carte approach to ideas taken from elsewhere. The influential Prosperity Institute, formerly Legatum, has extensive cross-party contacts and is credited by Farage with 'bringing fresh, young talent into current affairs'. The Cambridge academic James Orr, who helped to organise J.D. Vance's Cotswolds trip, sits on its advisory board alongside Lord Ridley and recently attended a Reform press conference. What Orr calls the 'politics of national preference' fits well with Farage's embrace of steel subsidies and water renationalisation. A handful of newer thinktanks are well placed to flourish, too. Some are run by onetime Farage allies. There is Fix Britain, led by Matthew Patten, a former Brexit party MEP, and the Centre for Migration Control, set up by former aide Rob Bates. The Centre for a Better Britain launches next month under the direction of Jonathan Brown, the party's previous COO. With Reform boasting a ten-point average polling lead, senior aides believe it's time for influential figures to start nailing their colours to the mast. 'The revolution will be kind to those that came early,' says one. 'But the clock is ticking for people to make up their minds.' Farage's 'Broken Britain' thesis fits well with the shifting tides on the broader right. Leading Tories such as Robert Jenrick and Nick Timothy are among those discovering a renewed interest in the writings of Charles de Gaulle and Roger Scruton, who dwelt on the theme of institutions that become corrupted or infiltrated. Conservative MPs increasingly express similar sentiments when they talk of the courts and the Church. 'To save the village we have to burn it,' says one MP of the post-Blair settlement. Kemi Badenoch has handed policy renewal to Neil O'Brien, a staunch critic of the ECHR. His journey from a sunnier form of Cameroon-style conservatism is seen by some colleagues as emblematic of many Tories' direction of travel. Incrementalism is out; radicalism is in. New groups which reflect the mounting public frustration at Britain's direction have formed to offer fresh ways to channel these objections. Toby Young's Free Speech Union has seen its membership jump from 14,000 to 32,000 in a year under Keir Starmer's government. 'Looking for Growth', founded by Dr Lawrence Newport, is trying to create a cross-party consensus to foster pro-growth policies. It has 19 chapters, and that is set to double to 39. At one meeting in Bristol, an attendee told the room: 'I am 25 years old. All I have ever known is decline.' Such comments reflect a broader sense of pessimism among the young. Ipsos polling suggests that Gen Z seem to be starting from a lower base of trust in their peers and institutions than previous generations. The government, meanwhile, is trying to ride out the storm. At the Design Museum last month, Pat McFadden, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, told digital innovators to 'forget chainsaws and wrecking balls, that's not what we are about'. He preferred to flag up 'the turnaround of the passport service' as a 'great example' of 'when the state has done really well'. Rather than kicking down the barn, Labour believes it can build on what is already there by modernising Whitehall. Plans will be set out this autumn to expand existing civil service access schemes for those joining from working–class backgrounds. In recent weeks, Labour has stepped up its attacks on Farage – a sign, Reform insiders say – of increasing desperation. Ministers have reportedly been authorised to accuse him of being on the side of sex offenders like Jimmy Savile in opposing the Online Safety Act, while backbenchers are encouraged to direct their fire at him in parliament. Following an article in The Spectator last week about 'Labour's 'dark arts' strategy', lawyers for George Cottrell, a longtime unpaid adviser to Farage, have written to Morgan McSweeney, Starmer's chief of staff, and the Labour party to demand an explanation. Cottrell believes he is the victim of 'defamation at industrial scale'. After the article was published, a Substack dedicated to attacking Cottrell disappeared, along with its associated X account. A subject access request has been filed to Labour, requesting any data the party has on Cottrell. Downing Street sources categorically deny the existence of any new 'attack team' in No. 10 with the remit of challenging Reform. The going is sure to get tougher for Reform but Farage is prepared. It was Jim Callaghan who said: 'Perhaps once every 30 years, there is a sea change in politics. It then does not matter what you say or do. There is a shift in what the public wants and what it approves of.' Much of the right is betting on such a sea change in 2029, with Farage – for now – most likely to be the captain at the helm.


The Herald Scotland
an hour ago
- The Herald Scotland
Irvine Welsh documentary was a fitting end to close the EIF
Irvine Welsh is full of stories, one reason he is such a prolific author. He isn't short of anecdotes, either, or of opinions. These range from politics to what he mockingly refers to as his 'practice', in other words his approach to fiction writing. But he also has the raconteur's gift of delivery and – whisper it – a whiff of the public intellectual to him. God knows we need that breed these days. Throw in his oeuvre (another term he probably hates) and his authorship of the most iconic Scottish novel of the last 30 years, and you can see why he is such a rich subject for a documentary. Unsurprisingly there have been a few to date. But Edinburgh-based film-maker Paul Sng's is undoubtedly the best, making it a welcome and fitting work to bring down the curtain on this year's Edinburgh International Film Festival. Artful, considered, imaginative, rewarding, though-provoking and pleasingly high concept, it avoids dwelling too much on past glories to foreground its subject in the present. Read More: We open, though, with a sort of career précis. It comes courtesy of clips from an onstage interview conducted at a Toronto literary festival by Welsh's fellow Edinburgh-er Michael Pedersen, fast approaching national treasure status himself. Still in Canada, we then see Welsh visit the offices of a couple of lifestyle/therapy gurus in order to take hallucinogenic drug Dimethyltryptamine. Known as DMT – or, sometimes, the businessman's drug, because the trip it induces can be had in a lunch-break – it offers Welsh a break from the reality which he says is 'not enough' for a writer and from which Sng takes his intriguing title. Having brusquely headed off some therapy-speak 'bullshit' from the shaven-headed wellness dudes – just give me the drug is Welsh's simple request – he takes to a mattress to enjoy the experience. We return to him there throughout, Sng using this as a framing device and as a slipway to launch the free-wheeling sequences in which Welsh, dressed in white suit and t-shirt, wanders through an abandoned factory as images and colours are projected onto him and the walls. These sequences are trippy and psychedelic, and have the effect of making it look as if he is in some liminal space, or is being invited to amble through a dream version of his own life. Much of the projections show old footage of Edinburgh, causing the author to reflect on his early life, the death of his parents, his use of drugs, his reasons for first picking up a pen. 'I wouldn't have been a writer if it hadn't been for Acid House,' he says at one point. Sng also drops in excerpts from Welsh's novels, accompanied by even trippier visuals. The obliging readers include Liam Neeson (a passage from The Acid House), Stephen Graham (Glue), Maxine Peake (Porno), Ruth Negga (Dead Men's Trousers) and, last, an unspecified voice with a very slight Australian lilt. Could it be? It is: Nick Cave, reading from The Blade Artist. Too much of this would be, well, too much, so interspersed with the curated readings and the jazzy visuals are more prosaic sections. We see Welsh and his wife Emma at Traquair House in the Borders following a book festival event. We watch him play football with childhood friends in Muirhouse, at the ground of Lowland League football club Civil Service Strollers, then chatting easily with them in the bar afterwards. We see him in LA with his manager, at his house in Miami, and at the boxing club he frequents there. Sng controls and presents his material well, though it's Welsh's own observations, thoughts and opinions which really drive the film. Some are just wryly humorous. 'Married to me? I think it would be a hard shift,' he says, the only time he answers an off-screen question. Others are more reflective. 'Writing ... is essentially a square go with yourself,' he says. Then, later: 'You steal from your own life. You're constantly putting fangs in your own fucking neck.' And: 'The most important resource you have is time. I basically retired 30 years ago, I've just been indulging myself since.' But it's one of his post-trip comments which lingers most in the mind. 'I'm no longer an atheist,' he says. 'It makes dying a more exciting thing than a thing to dread.' No sign of that yet, though – it's very much a life and an appetite for life which Paul Sng's commendable documentary celebrates and explores.