
79th Independence Day 2025 theme revealed: Event details, special guest list, history and more
This year's Independence Day 2025 theme is "Naya Bharat", symbolising the country's vision of becoming a developed nation by 2047 under the Government's Viksit Bharat mission. The celebrations aim to highlight India's progress, strength, and unity while honouring its journey from colonial rule to a confident and prosperous future.
A Look Back at India's Independence
On 15 August 1947, after over two centuries of British colonial rule, India gained freedom. In his iconic midnight address, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India, spoke of the nation's 'tryst with destiny'. That morning, he hoisted the tricolour for the first time, marking the birth of a free and sovereign India.
Since then, Independence Day has been observed annually with ceremonies across the country, with the Red Fort serving as the focal point for the official celebrations.
The Independence Day 2025 Ceremony
When the Prime Minister arrives at the Red Fort, he will be received by Raksha Mantri Shri Rajnath Singh, Raksha Rajya Mantri Shri Sanjay Seth, and Defence Secretary Shri Rajesh Kumar Singh. Following a formal introduction to senior military officials, the Guard of Honour will be presented, consisting of 96 personnel from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Delhi Police.
The Indian Air Force is the coordinating service for Independence Day 2025. The ceremonial march will be commanded by Wing Commander AS Sekhon, with each contingent led by its respective officers.
The National Flag hoisting will be synchronised with a 21-Gun Salute, performed by the 1721 Field Battery (Ceremonial) using indigenous 105mm Light Field Guns. The National Anthem will be played by the Air Force band, which will include 11 Agniveer Vayu musicians for the first time.
As the flag is hoisted, two Mi-17 helicopters will shower flower petals over the venue—one carrying the tricolour and the other displaying a flag dedicated to Operation Sindoor.
Operation Sindoor in Focus
Operation Sindoor will receive special recognition during this year's event. Its logo will be displayed at Gyanpath, with floral decorations inspired by the mission. The official invitation cards for the Independence Day 2025 ceremony will feature both the Operation Sindoor emblem and a watermark of the Chenab Bridge, symbolising the rise of Naya Bharat.
Formation of the 'Naya Bharat' Logo
Following the flag hoisting and the Prime Minister's address, 2,500 National Cadet Corps (NCC) cadets and 'My Bharat' volunteers from the Army, Navy, and Air Force will form the 'Naya Bharat' logo at Gyanpath. The event will conclude with the singing of the National Anthem.
Special Guest List for Independence Day 2025
Around 5,000 special guests from across India have been invited to witness the celebrations at the Red Fort. This Independence Day 2025 guest list includes:
Indian contingent of Special Olympics 2025
Winners of international sports events and Khelo India Para Games gold medallists
Top-performing farmers in various government schemes, including beekeeping, medicinal plant cultivation, and credit guarantee programmes
Best-performing Sarpanches under rural development initiatives like Catch the Rain Abhiyan and Open Defecation Free Plus Villages
Young authors from the PM YUVA Mentorship Scheme
Entrepreneurs from PM Van Dhan Yojana, National SC/ST Hub, and VISVAS
Skilled youth under schemes such as PM-VIKAS, SHREYAS, and PM-DAKSH
Beneficiaries of PM Awaas Yojana Gramin and Lakhpati Didi initiative
Social workers, Anganwadi staff, Swachhta campaign achievers, and innovators from Defence Excellence projects
Representatives from Vibrant Villages and tribal children from Andaman & Nicobar Islands
Additionally, over 1,500 participants from different states and union territories, dressed in traditional attire, will add a colourful cultural touch to the event.
Why the Independence Day 2025 Theme Matters
The theme 'Naya Bharat' reflects India's determination to strengthen its economy, improve security, empower communities, and promote innovation. It serves as both a celebration of past achievements and a vision for the nation's future.
Happy Independence Day wishes and messages 2025
This Independence Day, let's take a pledge to protect the peace and unity of our great nation. Happy Independence Day!
Thousands laid down their lives so that our country stays strong, never forget their sacrifice… Happy 79th Independence Day!
Thousands of soldiers laid down their lives so that we can live freely. We owe our freedom to the martyrs. Happy 79th Independence Day!
Wishing you a Happy Independence Day 2025! May the tricolour always fly high and our nation continue to prosper.
Independence Day is both an occasion to celebrate and to remember the struggles of those who fought to give us this gift. Happy Independence Day 2025!
Wishing you a Happy Independence Day! May our nation continue to prosper and grow.
On this Independence Day, may our dreams for a brighter tomorrow come true! Enjoy a day filled with patriotic spirit.
We should salute the sacrifices made by our freedom fighters and soldiers who made the dream of independent India a reality.
United we stand, proud we rise. Have a day full of pride, honour, and joy. Happy Independence Day!
Freedom in the Mind, Faith in the words, Pride in our souls...Let us salute the nation on this Independence Day!
This Independence Day, let's take a pledge to protect the peace and unity of our great nation. Happy Independence Day!
Happy Independence Day to my wonderful family! May this day remind us of the strength and resilience of our nation. Let's celebrate our freedom and work together to make India even better.
May our country continue to flourish and celebrate many more years of independence. Happy Independence Day to all!
Seven decades and nine years of freedom - let's make it count. Happy Independence Day!
May the glory of Independence Day be with us forever. Here's wishing you a very happy Independence Day!
Freedom is a hard-won gift, and we are blessed to have it. Let's appreciate and celebrate our freedom. Happy Independence Day!
Saluting the bravery of our freedom fighters. Wishing you a Happy Independence Day!
A big salute to all the soldiers who sacrificed their lives for our independence! Jai Hind!
The future, progress, and development of our great country depend not only on technological advancements but also on building social cohesion and trust. Happy Independence Day!
On this special day, here's wishing our dreams of a new tomorrow come true! May your Independence Day be filled with patriotic spirit!
Happy Independence Day! May our nation continue to grow in strength and prosperity. Let's honour our past, celebrate our present, and look forward to a brighter future together.
Freedom is something that money can't buy; it's the result of the struggles of many Bravehearts. Let us honour them today and always. Happy Independence Day 2025!
May the Indian flag always fly high. Wishing you a Happy Independence Day!
Thousands laid down their lives so that our country stays strong, never forget their sacrifice… Happy 79th Independence Day!
No nation is perfect; it needs to be made perfect. Happy Independence Day!
Happy Independence Day! May our nation's future be as bright as our phone screens.
Carried with care, coated with pride, dipped in love, fly in glory, moments of freedom in the shade of joy. Proud to be an Indian! Wish you a very Happy Independence Day 2025!
28 States, 7 Union Territories, 1652 Total Languages, 6 Major Religions, 100s of Festivals & 1 Country! Proud to be an Indian! Happy Independence Day!
Wishing you a Happy Independence Day! May our country always be a symbol of hope and freedom.
Celebrate the free spirit of India. May this Independence Day fill your life with happiness and prosperity. Happy Independence Day 2025!
Happy Independence Day! Let's celebrate the freedom we enjoy and honour the heroes who made it possible. May this day bring you closer to your loved ones and inspire you to strive for greatness.
The Independence Day 2025 ceremony will be a blend of tradition, patriotism, and innovation—showcasing India's military strength, cultural diversity, and commitment to building a developed Naya Bharat by 2047. With a grand guest list, impressive ceremonies, and the symbolic theme, this year's celebrations promise to be truly memorable.
For more informative articles on historical and upcoming events from around the world, please visit Indiatimes Events.
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Why does Narendra Modi feel the need to protect Adani to that extent vis-à-vis the American investigators? We must get back to the genesis of their relationship in Gujarat to respond – partly – to this puzzle. Gautam Adani was not at all an important businessman before Narendra Modi helped him to grow in Gujarat as chief minister of the state. Adani was born in 1962 in Ratan Pol in the old city of Ahmedabad, his parents having migrated from north Gujarat. At the age of 18, he dropped out of Gujarat University and moved to Bombay, served a stint as a diamond sorter at Mahindra Bros. and then became a diamond trader. He moved to Ahmedabad in 1981 to help his brother, Mahasukh, who was starting a plastic-film manufacturing business. This company was heavily dependent on supplies of PVC. The sole producer of PVC in India at that time was IPCL, which used to supply two tonnes per month to the Adani brothers. But their rapidly growing business needed over 20 tonnes per month. Therefore, Adani began importing plastic granules through the Kandla port. The Adani group then diversified. In 1988, Gautam Adani set up a commodities trading venture called Adani Exports. In the next four years, his import orders grew from 100 metric tonnes (MT) orders to 40,000 MT. In 1991-92, Adani and agribusiness group Cargill were given 3,000 acres of coastal land in Kutch by the Chimanbhai Patel government for salt production. The project fell through after protests by George Fernandes and others, and Cargill pulled out. Adani held on to his land and began thinking of converting Mundra into a big port. In the framework of the nascent liberalisation, the Gujarat Maritime Board decided to allot ports to private companies in a joint venture with the state – an initial list of 10 ports was created, which included Mundra, which was 14m deep (deeper than Kandla at 12m) and allowed it to berth larger ships of 200,000 MT and above. In 1993, the company was incorporated into a limited company with two backers, Adani himself and Rajesh S. Adani, his younger brother. In 1997, Adani Exports Ltd. entered into a joint venture with the Gujarat government to build a mega port at Mundra. Around that time the Adani group established a base in Dubai, where two of the five Adani brothers were primarily in charge of the supply chain of Adani Exports. In 1999, Adani ventured into coal trading for the first time, with a shipment landing at Mundra. In 2000, Adani let P&O Australia, one of the world's largest port operators, set up a container terminal in Mundra. There is no evidence that Gautam Adani and Narendra Modi knew each other before the latter became chief minister, but they became very close soon after, in the aftermath of the 2002 pogrom. As this tragic episode of communal violence disrupted the state economy for weeks, businessmen including senior members of the Confederation of Indian Industry, criticised Modi. Rahul Bajaj, a senior member of the CII, described 2002 as a 'lost year for Gujarat' and challenged Modi with several 'tough questions' during a CII meeting in Delhi in February 2003, where Jamshyd Godrej also raised the issue. In November Azim Premji declared similarly at an IIM Ahmedabad seminar: 'Investors are wary of coming to Gujarat due to the lingering communal tensions in the state apart from its proximity to Pakistan.' Tarun Das, the then director-ceneral of the CII went to Gandhinagar one month after the meeting of the organisation during which Narendra Modi had been criticised in Delhi and told him that the CII leaders 'were very sorry for all that had happened.' But Gautam Adani and other CII members from Gujarat had already analysed the attitude of bigger businessmen from Gujarat as a great opportunity. They formed the 'Resurgent Group of Gujarat' in order to counter what they regarded as 'a concerted attempt by a section to defame Gujarat.' Among them were Dr Karsan Patel and Ambubhai Patel (Nirma group), Indravadan Modi (Cadila Pharmaceuticals), Pankaj Patel (Cadila Healthcares), Chintan Parikh (Ashima) Anil Bakeri (Bakeri group) and, last but not least, Gautam Adani who took a leading role. Like Modi, he was relatively isolated in 2002-03. He was not part of the business establishment either, as evident from his marginal position in terms of interlocking directorates. Both were newcomers to the high table of national politics on the one hand and big business on the other. Also read: Gautam Adani a 'Personal Matter': PM Modi Deflects Question; 'Covering Up Corruption,' Says Opposition When the first Vibrant Gujarat meeting took place in September-October 2003, Adani went further than his colleagues and pledged Rs 150 billion in investments. This was a major turning point of the Adani-Modi relationship: Modi could start to pay back for Adani's support, not only within the CII but in the context of his transition from the role of 'Hindu hriday samrat (ruler of Hindu hearts)' to that of ' vikas purush (one who would bring about development)'. The Adani Port and SEZ (APSEZ) at Mundra (Kutch district) was created the same year to provide cargo handling and other port services. It soon became India's first multi-product port-based SEZ, after Adani was granted 3,585 hectares (ha) of land, including 2,008 ha of forest and 990 ha of gauchar or village grazing land. Two converging investigations have alleged that the Adani Group bought this land, in one area, at a rate ranging from Re 1 to Rs 32 a square metre when the market rate was over Rs 1,500 rupees a square metre and, in another area, at the cost of Rs 10 rupees per sq. m., when the market price there was between Rs 700 and 800 per sq. m. In Mundra, Adani acquired up to 7,350 ha. Forbes argues, on the basis of the signed agreements, that for most of this area 'he got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one US cent a square meter (the rate made out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil Co., for as much as US$ 11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers.' During the 2009 Vibrant Gujarat summit, the Modi government 'signed MoUs allowing the Adani group a Rs-150-billion expansion of its SEZ over the next 15 years. The government topped off its largesse of land to the Adani group with five-year tax breaks of over Rs 32 billion, almost four times what it had marked for redeveloping Kutch after the 2001 earthquake. Government data shows an investment of Rs 1.32 trillion in the Adani SEZ, port, and power plant, but only 38,875 jobs were created. That comes to an astonishing figure of Rs 33.8 million for creating one job...'. This is a clear indication of capital intensity – a question we'll return to below. In 2013, a CAG report pointed out that in the Adani Group's SEZ in Mundra '14 lease deeds for an area of 4,84,326 sq. mt. in MPSEZ were registered during the period from December 2008 to November 2011. However, the Collector had given permission to only one unit [...] Accordingly, the transfer of land admeasuring 4,65,728 sq. mt. by way of lease in the remaining 13 cases were irregular'. The CAG also indicted the Gujarat government for purchasing electricity from the Adani group at an abnormally high price. It pointed out that this 'non-adherence to the terms of Power Purchase Agreement led to short recovery of a penalty of Rs 1.60 billion and passing of undue benefit to a private firm'. In 2012, the Modi-Adani connection was targeted by Arvind Kejriwal, the leader of the Aam Aadmi Party who, the year before, had taken part in anti-corruption campaigns along with Anna Hazare. He accused the Gujarat government of buying power from the Adani Group at Rs 5.45 per unit when the Gujarat Mineral Development Corporation had made a better offer. Gas was another source of income for the Adani group, as it had also acquired a monopolistic position in the supply of CNG in Ahmedabad. In its last report dealing with the Modi government in Gujarat, the CAG reiterated the critique it had made in 2012 against the Adani group and arraigned the Essar group too: "…The purchase of power from the private sector increased to 37.22% (2012-13) from 15.22% (2008-09). Of this increase, the share of Private IPPs in power purchased from private sector [the Adani and the Essar groups], increased to 82.75% (i.e. 22,562.17 million units) in 2012-13 from 66.59% (i.e. 5,653.24 million units) indicating an increase of 300% in purchase of power from them during 2008-09 to 2012-13." The Adani group was also targeted by environmentalists. The Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority (GCZMA), in May 2006, formed a subcommittee which reported that the Adani Group had built many bunds in the inter-tidal area and blocked many creeks feeding water to the mangrove patches. To no avail. Four years later, in December 2010 the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) sent an inspection team to follow up on complaints from local inhabitants. The report presented after the visit found many instances of non-compliances. It made the same observations regarding large scale destruction of mangroves and obstruction of creek systems and natural flow of seawater because of reclamation. It made no difference. On September 14, 2012, the Minister of State of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Jayanthi Natarajan constituted a Committee under the Chairmanship of Sunita Nair, the Director General of CSE, for an inspection of Mundra port. It reached the same conclusions as its predecessors. Also read: 'Modi's Hands Tied Due to US Investigation into Adani,' Says Rahul Gandhi All the inspectors and experts have also observed that the Mundra thermal plants of Adani and Tata released fly ash, despite the terms of the 2007 clearance. In 2011 the Gujarat Pollution Control Board Inspection revealed that about 27,127 MT of fly ash was found to be dispersed in low-lying areas of the MPSEZ. The Sunita Nair committee made a similar observation. When Megha Bahree visited the place, she noticed that 'Fly ash and saline water from Adani Power and a nearby Tata Power Co. Ltd. plant are spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile…'. The Sunita Nair committee recommended a Rs 2 billion environment restoration fund (ERF), but no penalty was imposed on either company by the government. In 2016, the Gujarat high court appointed another committee to enquire about the degradation caused by the Mundra port. It came to the same conclusion as its predecessor but, says environmentalist Mahesh Pandya, 'If you ask the Gujarat Pollution Control Board or the state environment and forest department how many notices they have served to the company, you will find none.' By the end of Modi's chief ministership, the combined market value of Adani Enterprises, Adani Power and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zones (APSEZ) were close to the value of Reliance Industries – whereas the Adani group was five hundred times smaller only 13 years before, in 2001. Indeed, the turnover of the group rose more than 20-fold, from Rs 37.41 billion in 2001-02 to Rs 756.59 billion in 2013-14. In fact, the rise of the Adani group accelerated in 2013 and 2014 when Modi became a strong contender to the post of Prime Minister: the market capitalisation of its companies increased by 250% between September 2013 – when Narendra Modi was declared the BJP's official candidate for prime ministership – and September 2014. Between September 2013 and May 2014, the wealth of Gautam Adani had already increased by Rs 501.31 billion because of the market capitalisation of his companies (it increased by Rs 18 billion every day during the week that followed Modi's electoral success). Mukesh Ambani's wealth increased by 'only' Rs 305.03 billion rupees (US$ 3.81 billion) during the same period. This sudden prosperity could be explained only by Adani's close relation with Narendra Modi – which became obvious when Modi used Adani's chartered plane on his campaign trail across India in the run-up to the 2014 elections. On May 22, 2014, the day he was sworn in as prime minister, he flew to New Delhi from Ahmedabad in Adani's private aircraft, the Indian flag embossed on the aircraft to his right, and on his left, an embossed logo of the Adani Group – the duo was transitioning from the state to the national level. Today's situation is the legacy of these Gujarat years which saw the making of a new oligarch. Since then, the mutual dependence has further deepened. Both men need each other in a very classic manner: the politician offers protection to the crorepatti who pays for his expenditures – including election campaigns whose cost represented billions of dollars in 2014, 2019 and 2024. Whether Narendra Modi can help Gautam Adani to escape from the American investigations remains to be seen as easily as from the Indian ones. In diplomatic relations, there are wheels within wheels. This article draws from my latest book: Gujarat under Modi. The Blueprint of Today's India, Bangalore, Westland/Context, 2024. Christophe Jaffrelot is Senior Research Fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King's College London, Non resident Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Chair of the British Association for South Asian Studies. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement