Watch the Democratic comptroller debate in Spanish, Mandarin
NEW YORK CITY (PIX11) — Democratic candidates vying to be the city's next comptroller will face off in a debate on PIX11 News Thursday night.
Starting at 7 p.m., Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine and City Council Member Justin Brannan will answer key questions about the future of the city.
More Local News
The debate, moderated by PIX11's Dan Mannarino and Henry Rosoff, will air live on PIX11, PIX11.com, and PIX11+.
Here's how to watch the debate in other languages:
Starting at 7 p.m., you can watch the debate live in Spanish in a video player below.
A Mandarin translation of the debate will be livestreamed to the Chinese-American Planning Council's Facebook page. You can also watch the Mandarin livestream in a video player below starting at 7 p.m.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Axios
30 minutes ago
- Axios
Scoop: Democrats select single media buying platform for all state races
The group responsible for overseeing Democratic Party state efforts is strongly encouraging all its state campaigns to use a single digital ad tech platform called TargetSmart. Why it matters: The move aims to help Democrats streamline their ad buys and save money, but some critics say the one-vendor mandate is anticompetitive and limits innovation. "It's questionable when a party organization endorses a specific media platform without evaluating the leading technology providers in the space," said Grace Briscoe, EVP of client development at Basis, a large ad tech firm that manages campaigns across the political spectrum. "In the high-stakes world of government and politics, it's imperative to pressure test the technology. I believe political marketers will continue to conduct their own due diligence to find the best tools for their needs." Zoom in: After a meeting last week in Little Rock, Arkansas, the Association of State Democratic Committees (ASDC) passed a resolution to allow TargetSmart to become what it says is "the first and only Media Buying Platform built for the Democratic Party," according to a copy of the resolution obtained by Axios. TargetSmart has been one of the leading voter data sources for Democratic political parties and progressive organizations since it launched in 2006. The company provides services to the Democratic National Committee to enhance their voter file. TargetSmart also operates a demand-side platform (DSP) that allows its to buy and place digital ads on behalf of customers in a programmatic, or automated, fashion. Its ad-buying platform sits on top of its proprietary voter file. The firm is still privately owned by its cofounders, Drew Brighton and Jeff Ferguson. Between the lines: The ASDC argues that campaigns should use TargetSmart's tech for its digital ad buys because it's more transparent and efficient. TargetSmart, which it refers to as the "Democratic Party Media Buying Platform," has voter file data that is "sourced by Members of the Association," the resolution reads. It "supports significant data royalty payments to the Voter File Coop and its Members." ASDC President Jane Kleeb told Axios that the party "built the 'Democratic Media Buying Platform' from the ground up to put State Parties, candidates, and campaigns in control of how their ad dollars are spent." She argues the platform is "the most efficient way for campaigns to spend their hard-earned dollars, using the best data to contact voters and empowering candidates with the tools they need to win." How it works: The resolution, which was unanimously endorsed by all state parties within the ASDC, encourages member to institute a requirement that all state campaigns use the "'Democratic Party Media Buying Platform' through a digital agency that utilizes the platform." It asks that campaigns "limit any and all exports of State Party Voter File data for digital onboarding purposes to only be accessed via secure API connection to the Democratic Party Media Buying Platform." What they're saying:"For two decades our team has provided Democratic candidates with the right tools to reach the voters they need to win," said Tom Bonier, senior adviser to TargetSmart and formerly its CEO. "For that reason, we were excited to have been chosen to build the Democratic Party Media Buying Platform, facilitating targeted communication with the voters Democrats will need to regain majorities and the White House." The other side: The move is being met with skepticism by some within the party and the ad tech community, who argue selecting one platform weakens the party's ability to stay competitive against the GOP. ASDC argues TargetSmart "removes fees and unnecessary barriers while leveraging the most up-to-date voter file data available." But campaign advertising executives Axios spoke with say there are smarter ways to manage expensive vendors, like creating a panel of approved firms that campaigns can choose from. "You don't see the Republicans mandating one janky tech for their campaigns — they want to leverage the best of the tech industry," one political ad tech veteran told Axios. The big picture: The Democrats have a history of selecting one vendor to streamline tech initiatives for down-ballot races — but with an industry as large as advertising, giving one vendor control is notable. For years the party has relied nearly exclusively on NGP VAN, a privately-owned campaign software tool, for field and digital organizing. Both the Democrats and Republicans rely primarily on a single small-dollar donation platform for the bulk of their elections. Democrats use ActBlue, and Republicans use WinRed.
Yahoo
31 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Nevada's regular 2025 legislative session ends. Voter ID is among the key bills to pass
CARSON CITY, Nev. (AP) — Nevada lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled Legislature ended their 2025 regular session early Tuesday after a flurry of final day action. Republican Gov. Joe Lombardo is expected to take action by next week on the hundreds of bills that passed. The first-term governor vetoed a record 75 bills in 2023. Nevada lawmakers meet every other year in odd years. Ahead of the session, Lombardo had urged the Legislature to put politics aside and come together to find solutions for such issues as affordable housing and education. Some of his major bills failed, including a wide-ranging bill that would have created stiffer penalties for certain crimes, but he won in other areas including elections and education. Here is a look at some of the notable bills that passed and failed during this year's 120-day session in Carson City. ELECTIONS VOTER ID AND MORE BALLOT BOXES: Signaling a major compromise, lawmakers passed a bill on the final day of the session that revived Democrats' vetoed effort to add more mail ballot drop boxes around the state ahead of an election in exchange for new voter ID requirements that Lombardo supports. It marks a significant shift for Nevada Democrats, who have long opposed GOP-led efforts to require photo identification from voters at the polls and comes on the heels of voters in November passing a voter ID ballot measure. It would have to pass again in 2026 in order to amend the state constitution. PRIMARY ELECTIONS FOR NONPARTISAN VOTERS: A week before the session ended, Yeager introduced a bill as an emergency request that would allow nonpartisan voters to cast a ballot in Republican or Democratic primary elections, excluding presidential primaries. It passed. Voters registered as nonpartisan outnumber both major parties in the swing state. The bill is different from the effort voters rejected in November that would have implemented open primaries and ranked-choice voting for all voters. EDUCATION TEACHER RAISES: Lawmakers in both chambers overwhelmingly approved a bill that includes pay raises for teachers at charters schools. Lombardo had said he would not approve the state's education budget if it left out raises for charter school teachers, which Assembly Speaker Steve Yeager, a Democrat, then added to the bill. SCHOOL POLICE USE OF FORCE: The proposal approved by lawmakers would require the Clark County School District's police department to make public its data on officer use of force, including the use of stun guns, batons and pepper spray. The school district is the fifth-largest in the nation and has its own police department. HOUSING 'ATTAINABLE' HOUSING: Lombardo's bill aimed at expanding affordable housing, one of his top priorities this session, would allocate $133 million in state funds for housing projects for what he calls the 'missing middle" who can't afford to buy a home but don't currently qualify for affordable housing. It passed. RENTER PROTECTIONS: A handful of bills aimed at expanding protections for renters passed on party lines. They include a proposal that would create a pilot program capping rent prices for seniors for a year, and another that would allow tenants to quickly file legal complaints against landlords for unsafe living conditions like broken air conditioning or broken locks. HEALTH AND PUBLIC SAFETY CRIMINAL PENALTIES: The governor, who was a longtime police officer and the former elected sheriff in Las Vegas, had vowed ahead of the session to crack down on crime. But his crime bill failed after last-minute changes were added and lawmakers ran out of time Monday night. It would have created stiffer penalties for certain crimes, including 'smash-and-grab' retail thefts and violent crimes against hospitality workers, a newly designated protected class under the proposal. OTHER ISSUES FILM TAX CREDITS: The closely watched bill backed by Sony Pictures and Warner Bros. Entertainment failed. It would have given massive tax credits aimed at bringing film production to southern Nevada, including a 31-acre film studio in an affluent neighborhood west of the Las Vegas Strip. A similar bill failed in 2023. DEFINING ANTISEMITISM: Lawmakers approved a bill that creates a definition of antisemitism for state-led investigations into discrimination in housing, employment and other accommodations. It passed, but sparked a debate because some thought the definition was too broad and could limit free speech criticizing Israel. STATE LOTTERY: The proposal, backed by the powerful Culinary Workers Union that represents 60,000 hotel and casino workers, would have ended Nevada's longstanding ban on lotteries. It failed after the Legislature's first major deadline in April.


Politico
37 minutes ago
- Politico
The Political Realignment Has Arrived. Republicans Are in Danger of Blowing It.
On the hilly streets of Hazleton, Pennsylvania, tucked into the anthracite coal region that once powered America's industrial revolution, an expanding group of newcomers go about their daily lives in Dominican-inflected Spanish: running small enterprises, working in the region's booming logistics and warehousing industries, and sending WhatsApp messages to friends and relatives back in the Bronx and on the island. They're chasing their version of the American dream in this small, now-majority Hispanic city, as did the Italian, Irish and Slovak immigrants who came before them. They are the voters who powered Republican victories up and down the ballot in the country's largest swing state in November. And our party is on the verge of losing them. Since beginning my career as a Republican strategist in my home city of Philadelphia in 2016, I have been nearly alone among state Republicans in consistently advocating for outreach to this growing group of voters. My firm, which has worked on both local and national campaigns, has produced the only statewide outreach to Hispanic voters for three cycles in a row, putting boots on the ground and messages over the airwaves. It's been a striking failure of vision. As a party, we have tended to think that reaching these voters directly would be nice, though not necessary for most campaigns. Now, in light of the 2024 results, it's clear that this outreach is essential. Pennsylvania's 600,000 Latino voters helped send Donald Trump to the White House for a second term, played a key role in electing a GOP majority in the Senate, and kept the House in Republican hands by flipping two districts, including the ancestrally Democratic U.S. House seat that includes Hazleton. But these voters, after turning sharply right in 2024, are strongly disapproving of the president's performance several months into office, if recent polls are to be believed. April surveys showed cratering approval ratings among Hispanic voters who had shifted so dramatically, with just 27 percent approving of Trump's job performance, according to the Pew Research Center. The New York Times/Siena College poll echoed these findings several weeks later, with just 26 percent of Hispanic voters approving of Trump's tenure. It is tempting for Republicans to scoff at polls, but even if the topline voter approval is wrong, the significant drop in approval rating still matters. And both the polls and my conversations with would-be Hispanic Republicans in Pennsylvania show a clear drop-off. It should be a blaring alarm bell for the GOP as the 2026 midterms appear on the horizon. The slide in support makes sense — it's because these voters aren't hearing any semblance of a positive message from the GOP. On immigration and the economy, two core issues for these mostly working-class voters, it's doom and gloom on English and Spanish media, even as Republicans notch successes in securing the border and lowering energy costs. Immediately after the election, the GOP ceded the debate on the main messaging channels for Hispanic voters — radio, television, and digital — to the left. It's an enormous, unforced error. The deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, for example, has dominated the media over larger efforts to target criminal gangs and secure the border — initiatives that are broadly popular among Hispanic voters. Republicans must show up in the places and on the platforms where our next voters are getting their information to push back on leftwing narratives and gain an advantage on the issues, from securing the border to lowering costs. A Spanish-language campaign on humane border enforcement, for example — particularly one elevating Hispanic voices who are benefitting from newfound border security — would do wonders for the GOP brand. But we've abandoned the playing field, failing to make these voters a central focus by sharing our message on Spanish-language media, booking even limited advertising in Hispanic communities, or developing our farm team of Latino elected officials and spokespeople. A great number of Pennsylvania's Hispanic voters are moderate or conservative, came to America the right way, and do not share such far-left fantasies as dissolving our borders, defunding our police, or teaching elementary school children that gender is a construct — something I heard over and over again in my conversations with voters last year. They will be with us going forward if we reach them with openness and respect. The political realignment has arrived, and with it a Republican Party that is more diverse and working-class than anybody alive has ever witnessed. In Pennsylvania, the Republican path to victory has meant increasing margins from a shrinking group of rural white voters, holding down Democrats' margins in the state's booming suburban communities, and making quiet inroads in diverse, urban areas like Allentown, Reading and North Philadelphia, where Latino voters turned out more Republican than the city as a whole last November. It's a combination that, if done right, can turn Pennsylvania red for years to come. But if the new GOP majority was forged in Hazleton's modest streets, and in communities like it across Pennsylvania's ' Latino Belt,' there has been little recognition of it among the Republican political class. Since Trump's shock victory in 2016, and the 'Blue Wave' midterm that followed two years later, the operative phrase among GOP political operatives has been 'win back the suburbs.' While Republicans clawed back some ground in the suburbs last year, the long-term trends in Pennsylvania's expanding, increasingly transient suburban communities are dire for the GOP: witness, for example, the recent Democratic flip of a wealthy, suburban state Senate district that Trump won handily in November. That means the Republican Party's future is instead a 'MAGA Plus' coalition that will be made — or broken — by Latino voters. That was the formula for success in Pennsylvania, the only state where two Democratic House seats flipped to Republican in 2024 without the benefit of mid-cycle redistricting; both districts host significant, growing Hispanic voter populations, whose shifts accounted for all or most of the margin of victory for the GOP victors. That down-ballot shift among Pennsylvania Hispanic voters also played a key role in the narrowest Republican Senate flip in the country — and the only one that happened in a swing state. Newly-elected GOP Sen. Dave McCormick gained his razor-tight margin of victory from those new voters, winning by just under 16,000 votes out of nearly seven million cast. Democrats recognize all this. As the Philadelphia Inquirer has noted, Pennsylvania has the largest number of competitive races of any state on the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee target list next year. The road to the House majority, in other words, runs through the Keystone State. Republicans must understand that the fragile coalition that delivered us narrow congressional control is still nascent. Millions of first-time Republican voters, who are disproportionately from minority communities, are not base voters yet. They must be reached if Republicans wish to hold on to their gains, or even make further advances, in the 2026 congressional midterms. Republicans in Pennsylvania and elsewhere will be tempted to wait until 2026, but damage is being done right now as potential voters sour on our agenda. We still have time to right the ship, but engagement on community outreach, Spanish-language surrogates, translated communications, and candidate recruitment must begin right now, because every day we don't show up we are losing ground. In the absence of robust, always-on effort, Democrats will fill the void, leading to spiraling discontent. The first tests of where Hispanic voters stand will occur in November across the Delaware River in New Jersey, where Republicans hope to consolidate historic gains made last year in the off-year governor and Assembly races; in Virginia's statewide elections; and in local races like Pennsylvania's Lehigh County executive race. Then comes the main event. In Pennsylvania, which will remain the must-win swing state for the indefinite future, the GOP's ability to reelect its two new Republican congressmen in 2026 will be pivotal in determining whether it can keep control of the House. This is also the year that our state's charismatic and ambitious Democratic governor, Josh Shapiro, faces reelection before an all-but guaranteed presidential run. Shapiro and national Democrats expect turbo-charged turnout from the state's booming, affluent suburban communities to power gains that will fuel them through 2028. For now, the suburbs are not coming back to the GOP. Republican majorities in the cycles to come will be won and lost on the streets of Hazleton, North Philadelphia, Reading and Allentown, not in the leafy precincts of suburban Philadelphia. Whether Republican insiders understand this math and act on it is the open question that will determine who wins Congress in 2026 — and the durability of our burgeoning multiracial, multiethnic coalition.