
A Record 42 Women Win Seats in Upper House Election
118th
for the second successive year in the World Economic Forum's 2025 Global Gender Gap Report, with political empowerment being the country's weakest category. It was, therefore, encouraging to see a record number of 42 female candidates elected in Sunday's Upper House election. The previous high was recorded during the last House of Councillors vote in 2022, when 35 women secured seats.
List of Contents:
Decrease in Women Candidates in Upper House Election
Four Women Elected in Tokyo
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Decrease in Women Candidates in Upper House Election
In total, women won 33.6% of the 125 contested seats. However, the number of female candidates dropped from 181 in 2022 to 152 this year — with 102 running from electoral districts and 50 through proportional representation. That represented 29.1% of all candidates, compared with 33.2% three years ago. The government was aiming for a 35% quota for female parliamentary candidates in 2025.
Twelve female candidates from the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP) were elected, the highest number among all parties. That included Renho Saito, commonly known by her given name, Renho, for what was her fifth reelection. She automatically lost her Upper House seat after announcing she was running for the post of Tokyo governor last year. Incumbent Yuriko Koike won the gubernatorial election, with Renho finishing third.
Four Women Elected in Tokyo
Another female from the CDP to be reelected was Ayaka Shiomura, who was famously heckled in 2014 with the
words
'hurry up and get married' by fellow council member Akihiro Suzuki after she asked about measures to help mothers. She was one of four women to win seven of the seats up for grabs in Tokyo. The other three were Mayu Ushida of the Democratic Party for the People (DPP), Yoshiko Kira of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) and Saya, representing Sanseito.
'I am really feeling the weight of each and every vote
,
and I
feel
a strong sense of responsibility,'
said
the singer-turned-politician Saya, who only goes by her first name. 'I believe that the real battle for Japan and for the Japanese people will now begin,' she added. Women accounted for five out of the seven seats
Sanseito
won in the electoral districts. It fielded 24 female candidates, compared to just 22 who ran for the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (17) and Komeito (5).
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LDP-Led Coalition Lose Upper House Majority, Ishiba Vows To Continue as Prime Minister
Sanseito Explained: The Alarming Rise of Japan's Far-Right Movement
Why Japanese Leftists Are Using Melonpan to Mock Sanseito

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The Mainichi
a minute ago
- The Mainichi
Editorial: Japan must pass relief bill for WWII civilian air raid victims on 80th anniv.
The Japanese government has yet to provide relief to people who suffered damage from air raids and other atrocities across the country during the Pacific War, and the Diet once again failed to act on this issue during the ordinary session that closed in late June. These people are victims of a war initiated by the state. Nevertheless, the government has done nothing to compensate them. Such absurdities can no longer be left unaddressed. A cross-party group of lawmakers drew up a bill over the issue. It includes a uniform lump-sum payment of 500,000 yen (approx. $3,300) to those who suffered physical and psychological wounds and disabilities. The bill also incorporates a fact-finding survey by the government over the damage wrought by air raids. Due to stalled coordination within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, where some lawmakers have strong reservations, the multiparty parliamentary group was unable to submit the bill to the Diet. The victims of aerial bombings and other damage were significantly disappointed, as they had hoped for legislation this year, the 80th anniversary of the war's end. The Japanese government has paid pension and other benefits to former military personnel and civilian military employees, as well as their bereaved families. However, it has not compensated other civilians except for survivors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The rhetoric employed to justify this was the "doctrine of endurance obligation" -- that members of the public must equally endure sacrifices and damage from the war. The Supreme Court in 1987 tapped this doctrine to dismiss a lawsuit over the great Nagoya air raids of late World War II, and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba recently stated in response to a Diet question that this precedent cannot be contravened. There have, however, been changes in the judiciary's line of thought. In lawsuits filed in 2007 and 2008 by victims of the 1945 Great Tokyo Air Raids, the court did not cite the endurance doctrine as a reason for ruling against the plaintiffs, and urged a solution through legislation. Regardless, the government has been slow to act. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare has emphasized a 2005 agreement by the government and ruling parties that all postwar settlement measures would end with a project to provide consolation gifts to former Siberian labor camp internees. Yet a system to pay special benefits to former Siberian internees was later established. The agreement cannot serve as a basis for denying any new postwar compensation programs. The government's stance seems to betray its true concern: That providing relief to strategic bombing victims could expand the scope of compensation. The cross-party bill does not cover bereaved families and war orphans, because it prioritizes Diet passage over truly sufficient provisions -- a painful decision by the victims of air raids and other wartime damage. While those entitled to the lump-sum payments was expected to be around 4,600 people five years ago when the bill's outline was drafted, the number has now dwindled to about 3,200. As the victims age, we have no time to lose. The relief bill must be passed swiftly into law.


Japan Times
28 minutes ago
- Japan Times
Is this the end of Japan's 'big tent' parties?
In Japan's recent Upper House election, four traditional parties — the Liberal Democratic Party, Komeito, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan and the Japanese Communist Party — suffered the most significant losses. The LDP and Komeito together lost 24 seats, saw a sharp drop in the national vote and lost their Upper House majority. The CDP lost one seat but, as the largest opposition party, still placed a surprising fourth with just 12.5% of the national vote. The JCP lost four seats. The LDP and the CDP are considered the "big tent" parties because both have clear conservative and liberal wings. The big winners of the day were newer conservative parties — the Democratic Party for the People, Sanseito and the Conservative Party of Japan — along with the far-left Reiwa Shinsengumi. Sanseito picked up 14 seats and finished third with 12.55% of the national vote. The DPP gained 12 seats and placed second with 12.88%. The CPJ, contesting its first election, won two seats, and Reiwa added one. If you add the national vote totals by conservative leaning and liberal leaning, you find something quite interesting. Conservative parties gathered over over 35 million votes, while liberal parties only gathered around 17 million. Most commentary in Japan speaks in terms of the ruling parties versus the opposition. But there is an argument that the current turmoil in Japanese politics comes from the fact that the LDP and CDP lack clear policies because they constantly try to balance the conflicting views of their conservative and liberal wings. Today's Japanese voters are seeking clarity on issues vital to them, not an outdated homogenized message. The LDP and CDP are losing to newer parties that have clear policies and sharper messaging. Some advocates of political reform in Japan lament the fact that the country's opposition parties are unable to coordinate their activities effectively to defeat the ruling LDP-Komeito coalition. A coalition of the opposition, comprising strongly conservative parties alongside extreme liberal parties, has always been more challenging to manage than even the traditional big tent parties. It is no wonder that they cannot coordinate an election strategy after the most recent Upper House election or agree whether to file a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, which they are struggling with today. Of course, there is no credibility that they could run a government. Other reformers have complained that Japan lacks a system of rotating ruling parties between the conservative and liberal camps. Perhaps that is what comes next if the big tent parties break up. Is that conceivable? After losing three primary elections in the past 10 months under the leadership of Ishiba, there is now a war under way within the LDP to force him to resign. With the full support of the liberal wing, Ishiba won the LDP leadership role in 2024, which handed him the prime ministerial chair, an inconceivable event had conservative wing leader Shinzo Abe not been murdered in 2022. Ishiba's election came on the heels of what should have been a minor political funds reporting scandal that involved members of the conservative wing. However, even former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's group had reporting issues. Since then, the liberal wing, first under Kishida and then Ishiba, has used the scandal at every opportunity to sideline conservative members. The conservative wing is ready to revolt if Ishiba refuses to resign and accept accountability. So, while not certain, the LDP is as close as it has been since 1955 to a split. CDP members have never really gotten along, given all the splits and mergers since the party emerged from the remnants of the Democratic Party of Japan. Before the recent election, public accusations and demands from former party leaders that others should leave the party surfaced. The CDP now seems ripe for more change. A recent poll by the Yomiuri of all the opposition parties' preferences for the next prime minister, assuming they came from the LDP, might provide some insight. Sanae Takaichi of the LDP's conservative wing was the favorite among members of the more conservative parties such as the DPP, Sanseito and the CDP. Ishiba seemed more popular among the members of the liberal parties. Birds of a feather? The Yomiuri poll is interesting on two fronts: It may signal how feasible it will be for Ishiba, assuming he remains, to create a new ruling coalition with the addition of one of the conservative parties, an absolute necessity now that he has lost the majority in both houses of the parliament. Would Takaichi not find it easier? Secondly, it also signals how feasible it would be for a Takaichi-led conservative wing of the LDP, not only to split off from the LDP, but also to assemble a new majority under a new conservative party banner made up of the four conservative parties and perhaps a conservative group that splits off from the CDP. After the election results, Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya suggested that the LDP is losing power because no one can understand what the LDP stands for anymore, given the differing views of the conservative and liberal wings. The same thing could be said for the CDP. Perhaps the era of big tent parties has come to an end and a realignment along ideological lines is where Japanese politics is headed. Edo Naito is a commentator on Japanese politics, law and history. He is a retired international business attorney and has held board of director and executive positions at several U.S. and Japanese multinational companies.


Asahi Shimbun
an hour ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Technical intern trainee tells of low pay at wage council meeting
A woman from Myanmar speaks to reporters after the Regional Minimum Wages Council meeting in Fukuoka on July 31. (Satoru Eguchi) A Myanmar woman working in a technical intern training program in Japan called for a 'significant increase in the minimum wage' at a Regional Minimum Wages Council meeting held in Fukuoka on July 31. According to the labor ministry, this was the first time that a technical intern trainee has testified at a Minimum Wages Council meeting. The woman highlighted the wage disparity between foreign technical trainees and Japanese nationals performing the same work. She spoke at the meeting at the encouragement of Union Kita-Kyushu, a regional labor union. The union recommended that she explain the situation facing technical intern trainees, who don't have the freedom to change jobs and can be forced to work for low wages. The 24-year-old woman from Myanmar works at a nursing home in Kita-Kyushu. In the council meeting, she explained that she has to repay around 1 million yen ($6,640) in debt to the dispatch company acting as a broker in Myanmar, and she also has to send money to her family back home. She said she works for the minimum wage in the prefecture, which allows her to send between 100,000 and 150,000 yen to her family each month, and lives on the remaining 50,000 yen per month. 'None of my Japanese coworkers work for just the minimum wage,' she said, pointing out the current situation that runs contrary to the equal pay for equal work concept. She added, 'If the minimum wage increased to 1,500 yen, I would have 100,000 yen a month after sending money to my country. I could use it for my personal needs or to study for my future.' According to this woman, she was forced to drop out of her university after studying for three years because of the military coup in Myanmar and her father losing his job. She had to start working. She has been a fan of Japanese anime since high school. She also studied Japanese, so she came to Japan in the spring of 2023 as a technical intern trainee. After the council meeting, she told reporters that, 'I was really nervous, but it was good to offer opinions on behalf of those in the same situation.'