Dinkar Srivastava's ‘Pakistan: Ideologies, Strategies and Interests' is an examination of the ideologies that shaped Pakistan's foreign and domestic policies
His new book, 'Pakistan: Ideologies, Strategies and Interests', examines the ideologies that shaped the country's foreign and domestic policies. Pakistan army chief Asim Munir, in his speech on July 16, emphasised a 'superior ideology' that includes, but is not limited to, the Two-Nation Theory. The military positions itself as the defender of both territorial and ideological borders, having ruled Pakistan frequently, directly or indirectly. However, its legitimacy is under scrutiny, particularly highlighted by the unrest of May 2023 when crowds attacked military installations as the economy faced the risk of default. The narrow tax base and focus on military strategy over socio-economic development have exacerbated these issues.
The book begins by analysing Pakistan's ideologies, tracing them from the pre-Partition period through pivotal moments such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah's August 11, 1947, speech, the 1949 Objectives Resolution and various constitutional developments. The term 'ideologies of Pakistan' reflects the plurality of ideas that have influenced its formation. Although there is no singular definition of Pakistan's ideology, its implications are significant in legal and political contexts, drawing on contributions from figures like Sir Syed Ahmad, Jinnah and Abul A'la al-Maududi, the latter's influence being understated despite his initial opposition to Pakistan's creation.
The narrative of a separate Muslim identity laid the groundwork for Pakistan's demand, mainly propelled by the Muslim elite who sought to regain political power as the British rule waned. The book discusses the Two-Nation Theory and pivotal events leading to Partition, including the Lahore Resolution and the Cripps and the Cabinet Missions. Liberals often laud Jinnah's August 11 speech as a vision for an inclusive Pakistan, while the establishment tends to downplay it. The author also juxtaposes this with the perspective of those advocating for a united India.
Further sections delve into the intersection of faith and politics through the Objectives Resolution that established divine sovereignty in governance, undermining parliamentary supremacy and minority rights. It also reviews the Munir Commission's findings regarding the anti-Ahmadi riots and explores the disenfranchisement of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), reflecting ongoing struggles for minority rights in the country.
The conflict between ideology and nationality is integral to understanding Pakistan's formation, especially since the imposition of a singular national identity led to discontent in various regions, particularly East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) . The language issue further complicated this, as Urdu was prioritised over Bengali, fueling resentment.
Pakistan's military considers itself both a protector of the nation and the custodian of its ideological tenets. Its strategy, involving claims of seeking 'strategic depth' in Afghanistan, often conflicts with rational military logic. After 9/11, significant shifts in policy reflected a tactical choice necessary for survival, leading to a complicated relationship with Islamist groups. Despite receiving substantial US aid, Pakistan's policies undermined the prospects of establishing a stable and democratic Afghanistan. The discourse surrounding Kashmir aligns ideological claims of the unfinished agenda of Partition with territorial ambitions. Pakistan's economic struggles, exacerbated by high military spending and inequitable resource distribution, challenge both its stability and development. The narrative around leadership, particularly under Imran Khan, intertwines with religious rhetoric and an erosion of the secular legacy of the National Awami Party of Wali Khan in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
In the concluding chapters, the book questions the viability of Pakistan's ideology in addressing urgent contemporary challenges such as urban development and climate change. It synthesises historical speeches and debates, offering insights into the ideologies foundational to the state while recognising the broader international and domestic contexts shaping its trajectory over time.
The book is based on speeches of Iqbal, Jinnah and Muslim League leaders to understand the ideology on which they based their conception of a State for 'Muslim India'. It uses international and Indian sources that must be considered in any discussion of the Partition of the sub-continent. The post-Independence journey is primarily based on Pakistani sources.
The author has also made use of material available in the US Library of Congress and the UN Library. He has drawn upon the writings of two eminent jurists — Justice Muhammad Munir and Justice Dorab Patel. The former represented Pakistan in the Boundary Commission, headed the Munir Commission on anti-Ahmadiyya riots and became a member of Ayub Khan's Cabinet. Patel was the dissenting judge in the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto trial. Srivastava has also drawn upon Urdu writings, including Sir Syed Ahmad Khan's 'Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind', 'Muttahida Qaumiyat' by Maulana Madani and 'Shahab Nama' by Qudrat Ullah Shahab.
Overall, this is a highly informative, well-written book that explores, in depth, the ideological moorings and philosophy of Pakistan and the manner in which it has influenced relations with India since the Independence of both countries.
The writer is former Cabinet Secretary of India
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