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‘You open the fridge – nothing': renewed threat of US hunger as Trump seeks to cut food aid

‘You open the fridge – nothing': renewed threat of US hunger as Trump seeks to cut food aid

The Guardian28-06-2025
Jade Johnson has a word to describe the experience of going hungry in one of the world's richest countries. 'Humbling.'
The last time she endured the misery of skipping meals was about 18 months ago. She was working two jobs as a home health aide and in childcare, but after paying the rent and bills she still didn't have enough to feed herself and her young daughter Janai.
She would always make sure Janai had all she needed and then, when the money ran out, trim her own eating habits accordingly. Three meals a day became one, solids would be replaced with copious amounts of water to dull the hunger pangs.
'It's like you get humbled,' Johnson, 25, says in the apartment where she is raising Janai, six, in Germantown, Maryland. 'You open the fridge, close it, open it again but nothing's gonna change – there's nothing in there.'
Those lean times were in the days before Johnson was accepted on to Snap, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly known as food stamps, that provides low-income families with help to buy nutritious groceries. Johnson had applied several times, but had been knocked back.
She was finally approved, with the help of an adviser whom she met at a parents' evening at Janai's kindergarten. For more than a year now she has received $520 every month to buy good food – equivalent to $8.50 for her and Janai each day, or under $3 a meal.
That may not sound much, but it has been transformative. 'Snap has been a blessing for me,' she says. 'I can provide for Janai when I come home, cook dinner for myself. It's improved my relationship with my kid, my friends, my clients.'
Now Johnson is bracing herself for a return to those grim days of food insecurity. Donald Trump's multi-trillion dollar domestic policy legislation, his 'big, beautiful bill' which is currently battling through Congress, would slash up to $300bn from the Snap program in order to fund extended tax breaks for the wealthiest Americans.
The cuts amount to the largest in the program's history. They come at a time when food insecurity is already on the rise in all 50 states.
Voting is meant to begin soon in the US Senate, an attempt to clear the bill through the upper chamber in time to meet Trump's ambition to sign it into law by 4 July. Senate Republican leaders are mindful that any revisions they write into the bill must avoid causing further acrimony when the legislation moves back for final approval to the House of Representatives, where the package was passed this spring by an agonising single vote.
Under the House version of the bill, parents of children seven and above would become liable for stringent work requirements from which they are currently exempted until their child is 18. Johnson would be affected by the new restriction, as Janai turns seven in November.
If that seven-year cutoff remains in the final bill (the Senate is proposing that parents must meet work requirements once their child reaches 14), Johnson will have to prove from Janai's next birthday that she is working at least 20 hours a week. Otherwise she would lose her Snap benefits.
That would be a tough burden to meet, given that her hours fluctuate week by week as clients' needs change. She has very little slack in her calendar to work further hours, because on top of her two jobs she is studying part-time at night to become a dialysis technician.
So Johnson is nervously following the passage of the bill, and preparing for the worst. Should her food assistance be pulled, it will be back to 'grind mode' and a renewed state of humbling.
Johnson is one of millions of struggling Americans who are threatened with losing their Snap benefits under Trump's bill. Most of the political attention in Congress has focused on Medicaid, the health insurance scheme for low-income families which faces even greater cuts of at least $800bn under the House version of the bill.
Anti-hunger advocates fear that the potential devastation of Snap cuts is being overlooked. 'I just don't think it's getting the sort of press and general public attention it demands,' said Stephanie Ettinger de Cuba, executive director of Children's HealthWatch.
She described the proposed cuts as a 'catastrophic attack that will change the structure of Snap, damage children's and parents' health, and have ripple effects that will devastate local economies'.
Since it was founded as a permanent program by Lyndon Johnson in 1964, Snap has grown into America's most effective weapon against hunger. It currently helps put food on the table for over 40 million people, almost half of whom are children.
Poverty experts have been stunned by the scale of Trump's proposed cuts. They say they would deliver a terrible blow to one of the country's core values – that all Americans should have enough to eat.
'It's like we are throwing in the towel, and saying hunger won,' said Salaam Bhatti, Snap director at the Food Research & Action Center (Frac). 'It's upsetting that one of the wealthiest countries in the world is on the brink of increasing hunger for millions of people.'
The proposed cuts fall under several headings. The one that Johnson will feel most immediately is the expanded work requirements that will put about 8 million people at risk of losing some or all of their Snap benefits.
In addition to the expanded work requirements for parents of children aged seven to 18, older adults aged 55 to 64 would also now have to meet heavy work stipulations. That cohort includes Johnson's mother, Jámene, who currently receives Snap but might be thrown off it as she is 55 and would be subject to the expanded demands.
Jámene currently receives $52 a month in Snap benefits. Again, that might sound minimal, but without it she would be unable to buy fresh vegetables and meat and she would be hard pressed to offer any help to her daughter and granddaughter when reserves are running low.
The bill also transfers some of the costs of benefits, for the first time in the program's 61-year history, from the federal government to individual states. Under the House bill, states would be liable for up to 15% of the benefit costs, while the portion of administrative costs they already bear would rise from 50% to 75%.
A state like Virginia would have to fork out an extra $500m a year. In Bhatti's estimation, many states are simply going to be unable or unwilling to foot that bill – and will pass on the pain to their poorer citizens.
'States don't have that type of money, and so they would either reduce costs by removing families from the program, or by pulling out of the program entirely.'
Were Virginia to bail out of Snap, that would put over 800,000 people at immediate risk of food insecurity, including over 300,000 children.
Paradoxically, many of the states that would be most impacted, and by extension a large proportion of the families that could be left struggling to feed themselves, are in the rural Republican heartlands that voted heavily for Trump. One of the hardest hit would be Louisiana, which has 44% of its population on Snap or Medicaid or both.
The stakes are almost as high in deep red Arkansas (38%) and Mississippi (37%). 'I don't understand why policymakers are pursuing this bill when this will obviously hurt a large majority of their own constituents for whom Snap is a lifeline,' said Lelaine Bigelow of the Georgetown Center for Poverty and Inequality.
West Virginia, with 38% of its population in receipt of Snap or Medicaid, is an especially poignant example. This was the state where the food assistance program was born: John F Kennedy opened a pilot program there following his tour of the economically stricken Appalachian coal country.
'I don't know whether the cuts will give rise to what Kennedy saw – hungry children with bloated bellies,' said Tracy Roof, a political scientist at the University of Richmond who is writing a book on the history of food stamps. 'But I do know that in a country as wealthy as the US, it's unforgivable that you should have people going hungry to bed.'
Trump's hydra-headed cuts would also make it harder for low-income families to claim benefits in areas with high unemployment rates. The basket of food against which Snap is calculated would also be frozen, so that over the next 10 years the value of the benefit would decline in real terms from the current average of $6 a day, which many experts already consider inadequate.
As a further threat, food assistance will be removed from up to 250,000 refugees and other people granted humanitarian protections in the US.
In some ways, the Senate iteration of the bill is even more extreme than the House one. It targets millions of people in special groups, forcing them to meet tough work requirements to which they had been exempted. That includes military veterans, people experiencing homelessness, and young people in foster care.
Research by the Georgetown Center exposes the staggering disparity that underpins Trump's plan. Under the House bill, over $1tn would be withdrawn in Snap and Medicaid cuts from 31% of the American people who earn on average $30,000 a year.
The money would then be handed over, in the form of tax cuts, to the top 2% of the population, with average incomes of $1.5m a year.
The transfer of resources would not only exacerbate America's gaping inequality, it would also have a calamitous effect on the local economies in poorer parts of the country. Disrupting the flow of Snap food deliveries could send shock waves through the entire food supply chain, from farmer to truck driver to grocery store.
Numerous studies have also revealed the damage done to the health and prospects of children when they endure food insecurity at a young age. A child's developmental arc for language, hearing, vision and other critical faculties all peak by four, which means that if they receive insufficient nourishment in the early years it can have crushing long-term consequences.
'Small deprivations have outsized impacts,' Ettinger de Cuba said. 'Kids who are food insecure are more likely to be at risk of poor health, hospitalizations, and developmental delays.'
In Johnson's case, she knows Janai will be protected from such a disaster because as a parent she will do everything she can to provide for her daughter. Even if that means giving up her dream of getting on in life, or going hungry herself.
What puzzles Johnson about the difficult future she is now facing, courtesy of the 'big, beautiful bill', is that it feels like she is being punished for doing everything she can to be a good American. She's raised her daughter right, works two jobs to pay the bills, studies at night at her own cost to improve herself and find more stable work.
'I'm just trying to be a decent, functioning human being,' she says. 'Can't they let me get my life together first, before they start snatching stuff away from me?'
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