Latest news with #Busan
The Verge
7 hours ago
- Automotive
- The Verge
The Polestar 4 now comes from South Korea instead of China
The 2026 Polestar 4 — the one without a rearview window — is now on sale in the US. And instead of being manufactured in China like the 2025 version, this all-electric coupe will be imported from South Korea. Of course, Polestar is a Volvo offshoot based in Sweden, and like Volvo it's owned by China's Geely. But with trade tension between the US and China escalating, Polestar's owners made a deal with Renault Korea Motors to manufacture the Polestar 4 at that company's plant in Busan. The EVs assembled there will be distributed to North America, as well as the South Korean market. That's the big news about the Polestar 4. The EV otherwise remains the same: the long-range single-motor rear-wheel drive version starts at $57,800 (including a $1,400 destination charge), which is only slightly more than the 2025 model year. Meanwhile, a dual-motor Polestar 4 with standard Pilot pack will start at $64,300. The EVs assembled there will be distributed to North America, as well as the South Korean market. The Polestar 4 is a coupe-style SUV with a targeted range over 300 miles and a 102kWh battery. One of the most distinctive features is the total absence of a rear window, which Polestar argues 'enables a new kind of immersive rear occupant experience.' The Verge contributor Daniel Golson said it was a little dark for rear-seat passengers but overall found a lot to like about the digital rearview mirror. The company says it will be its fastest production car to date, with a zero to 60mph sprint time of 3.7 seconds for the dual-motor versions and a maximum power output of 400kW or 544 horsepower. Both dual- and single-motor versions will be available, with single-motor versions featuring rear-wheel drive. The 102kWh battery is fitted to both long-range versions. A disconnect clutch allows the car to disengage the front electric motor when not needed to maximize range and efficiency. The Polestar 4, which is confusingly slotted between the Polestar 2 fastback sedan and the Polestar 3 SUV, is extremely important for the automaker's future. Polestar briefly removed the Polestar 2 from its website amid confusion around new tariffs from the Trump administration. The company is now only offering pre-owned versions of the EV. As InsideEVs notes, that makes the Polestar 4 the cheapest model in Polestar's limited North American lineup.
NHK
3 days ago
- Business
- NHK
South Korean presidential candidates seek support on last Sunday before election
South Korean presidential candidates from the ruling and opposition parties stumped on the streets to rally support on the last Sunday before election day. The two leading contenders in Tuesday's vote are Lee Jae-myung of the largest opposition Democratic Party and Kim Moon-soo of the ruling People Power Party. Lee traveled to relatively conservative areas, such as Busan and Daegu. He stressed that he will help the country overcome divisions. Lee pledged to revitalize economic activities through such measures as establishing an investment bank to boost a regional economy. Kim visited areas including the capital Seoul, as well as Gyeonggi Province where he had served as governor. Kim promised to turn around the employment situation, which has left many university graduates struggling to land jobs. He also vowed to further improve metropolitan transportation infrastructure. Early voting took place on Thursday and Friday. Turnout was 34.74 percent, more than 2 percentage points lower than that of the 2022 presidential election. But it was still the second-highest turnout of past national elections. Both candidates are expected to campaign in large cities on Monday.
Yahoo
3 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
S. Korea presidential candidates rally ahead of June 3 vote
South Korea's leading candidates held major campaign events Sunday, two days out from a snap presidential election triggered by its former leader's removal after his disastrous declaration of martial law. The June 3 election is set to cap months of political turmoil sparked by Yoon Suk Yeol's brief suspension of civilian rule in December, for which he was impeached and removed from office. All major polls have put liberal Lee Jae-myung well ahead in the presidential race, with the latest Gallup survey showing 49 percent of respondents viewed him as the best candidate. Kim Moon-soo, from the conservative People Power Party (PPP) -- Yoon's former party -- trailed Lee on 35 percent. The 60-year-old Lee began his rally in his hometown of Andong, 240 kilometres (149 miles) southeast of Seoul, telling his supporters he would seek to weaken the concentration of development in the capital region and boost non-Seoul areas. "We should not simply seek a regional equal development strategy but rather provide more incentives for non-Seoul regions to support them more," said Lee, wearing a bullet-proof vest. Lee has been campaigning with additional security measures, including bulletproof shields set up on the podium. He was stabbed in the neck in January 2024 in Busan by a man pretending to be a supporter, who later confessed that his intention was to kill Lee to prevent him from becoming president. Lee is set to campaign in Busan later Sunday. Kim Moon-soo was scheduled to campaign in the greater Seoul area, and kicked off a rally on Sunday in nearby Suwon by commenting on rival Lee's security measures. "Look, I'm not wearing a bullet proof vest, right? But Lee is now even using bulletproof shields, feeling the vest isn't enough," he said. "With such bulletproof measures, Lee is poised to impose his own dictatorship and we must stop it," Kim added. Nearly 35 percent of voters have already cast their ballots -- taking advantage of two days of early voting earlier last week, according to the National Election Commission. kjk/ceb/dhc
CNA
5 days ago
- Business
- CNA
Regionalism still a powerful force in South Korea as it votes for its next president, say experts
BUSAN / GWANGJU: A record number of South Koreans cast their ballots in early voting on Thursday (May 29) and Friday for the upcoming presidential election, with overseas voting figures also reaching a historic high. The snap poll was triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law last December, which led to months of political turmoil and his impeachment. Election day is set for next Tuesday. All major polls have placed opposition Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung as the clear front-runner in the presidential race, with a recent Gallup survey showing that 49 per cent of respondents viewed the liberal as the best candidate. Trailing behind him is conservative former labour minister Kim Moon-soo from the ruling People Power Party (PPP) – Mr Yoon's former party – at 35 per cent. As South Korea chooses its next leader, experts said regionalism has eased in the country but remains a powerful force, especially in the south where political divides are deepest. Regionalism refers to a political ideology that favours a region of a country to be more important than the whole. 'Although it's declined compared to the past, especially in places like Busan and South Gyeongsang, it still lingers – particularly in regions like Daegu and North Gyeongsang where support for (PPP) remains strong,' said political science and diplomacy professor Lee Jae-mook from the Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. HOW IS REGIONALISM PLAYING A PART? Most of South Korea's presidents hail from Gyeongsang, where military dictator Park Chung-hee – who ruled the country with an iron fist for 18 years – was born. The former leader, who seized power in a coup in 1961, is credited with launching South Korea's economic miracle. Seoul, as well as Gyeongsang where South Korea's second-largest city Busan is located, grew rapidly under his leadership, with major industrial hubs being built in Gyeongsang. But other areas, especially South Jeolla province, remained underdeveloped and largely agricultural. This widened the country's regional divide which persists today. Many South Koreans agree that such uneven economic development under its past leaders is one of the key reasons why Jeolla, known to be a liberal stronghold, has a long-standing rivalry with Gyeongsang, a conservative-leaning area. Prof Lee noted that the sense of regionalism is especially deep in Daegu city in Gyeongsang, also known as Gyeongbuk – the hometown of former President Park Geun-hye, who is also the daughter of Mr Park Chung-hee. "People in Daegu and Gyeongbuk remain loyal to the conservatives, especially after two of the (conservative) presidents – Park Geun-hye and Yoon Suk Yeol – were impeached,' he added. 'When your side's presidents are impeached twice in a row, it strengthens your resolve to defend your political base. That's why these divides are hard to overcome.' The professor said this is also why front-running candidate Mr Lee began his presidential campaign in Gyeongsang. His conservative rival is seen as having an advantage there. Mr Lee's approval rate in North Gyeongsang stands at about 42 per cent, according to recent polls. But separate surveys show that his support in South Gyeongsang has significantly increased, hovering at about 46 per cent in cities like Busan and Ulsan, slightly ahead of his PPP rival's 42 per cent. While residents whom CNA spoke to were divided on who to vote for, some experts said support for conservatives was shaken after Mr Yoon's failed martial law declaration. MEMORIES OF MASSACRE IN LIBERAL JEOLLA Over in Jeolla, experts noted how Mr Yoon's ill-fated effort to impose military rule stirred up dark memories of a brutal fight for democracy decades ago. The southernmost province in South Korea has been a strong supporter of the liberal bloc, especially after troops were sent in to quell protesters in what is now known as the May 18 massacre, or the Gwangju uprising in 1980. Since then, conservative presidential candidates have consistently failed to win votes in Gwangju and the broader Jeolla region – and this is likely to be the case in next week's polls. Prof Lee said: 'It's similar to the way Korean-Japanese relations are. Apologies need to be genuine. No matter how much Japan apologises (for the Japanese colonisation of the Korean peninsula), Koreans often feel it's not sincere enough." 'In the same way, people from Honam (Jeolla region) don't feel that conservative parties have made genuine apologies for past injustices.' Hundreds of people were tortured and killed during the Gwangju uprising, which began a day after martial law was extended by military general Chun Doo-hwan. He had taken power of the country after leading a coup on Dec 12, 1979, following the assassination of then-President Park Chung-hee. The massacre accelerated South Korea's transition to democracy about seven years later. Many in Gwangju told CNA this was why they could not believe their eyes when they watched Mr Yoon declare martial law on television on Dec 3 last year. 'I was overwhelmed, and I had nowhere to express my anger. It was just so absurd and infuriating … I remember seeing bodies covered with blankets on carts being moved through alleys and later in the city,' recounted a Gwangju resident. Another resident, Madam Kim Gil-Ja, said she immediately thought of the uprising when Mr Yoon made the declaration. Her son Moon Jae-hak was one of the youngest victims of the massacre. The 17-year-old was killed on the last day of the uprising during a pre-dawn assault on the South Jeolla provincial government building – the centre of protests against military rule. Mdm Kim said that when she saw troops break the windows of the National Assembly building in Seoul last year and storm inside, she thought to herself: 'This country is in chaos.' 'If I lived closer to Seoul, I would have gone to the National Assembly myself,' she told CNA. At this year's May 18 commemoration, most of the country's presidential hopefuls, including Mr Lee, were present. But PPP's candidate Kim did not turn up after organisers said he was not welcome. Recent polls show Mr Lee with nearly 80 per cent support in Jeolla, including Gwangju, while Mr Kim trails far behind with just 4 per cent. While 50 years have passed since the Gwangju massacre, the wounds remain deep. Whether they will ever fully heal – and whether the people in Jeolla will one day place their trust in a conservative leader – remains uncertain as the country heads to the ballot box.
CNA
5 days ago
- Business
- CNA
How regionalism is shaping politics in South Korea as it gears up for snap presidential election
BUSAN / GWANGJU: A record number of South Koreans cast their ballots in early voting on Thursday (May 29) and Friday for the upcoming presidential election, with overseas voting figures also reaching a historic high. The snap poll was triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law last December, which led to months of political turmoil and his impeachment. Election day is set for next Tuesday. All major polls have placed opposition Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung as the clear front-runner in the presidential race, with a recent Gallup survey showing that 49 per cent of respondents viewed the liberal as the best candidate. Trailing behind him is conservative former labour minister Kim Moon-soo from the ruling People Power Party (PPP) – Mr Yoon's former party – at 35 per cent. As South Korea chooses its next leader, experts said regionalism has eased in the country but remains a powerful force, especially in the south where political divides are deepest. Regionalism refers to a political ideology that favours a region of a country to be more important than the whole. 'Although it's declined compared to the past, especially in places like Busan and South Gyeongsang, it still lingers – particularly in regions like Daegu and North Gyeongsang where support for (PPP) remains strong,' said political science and diplomacy professor Lee Jae-mook from the Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. HOW IS REGIONALISM PLAYING A PART? Most of South Korea's presidents hail from Gyeongsang, where military dictator Park Chung-hee – who ruled the country with an iron fist for 18 years – was born. The former leader, who seized power in a coup in 1961, is credited with launching South Korea's economic miracle. Seoul, as well as Gyeongsang where South Korea's second-largest city Busan is located, grew rapidly under his leadership, with major industrial hubs being built in Gyeongsang. But other areas, especially South Jeolla province, remained underdeveloped and largely agricultural. This widened the country's regional divide which persists today. Many South Koreans agree that such uneven economic development under its past leaders is one of the key reasons why Jeolla, known to be a liberal stronghold, has a long-standing rivalry with Gyeongsang, a conservative-leaning area. Prof Lee noted that the sense of regionalism is especially deep in Daegu city in Gyeongsang, also known as Gyeongbuk – the hometown of former President Park Geun-hye, who is also the daughter of Mr Park Chung-hee. "People in Daegu and Gyeongbuk remain loyal to the conservatives, especially after two of the (conservative) presidents – Park Geun-hye and Yoon Suk Yeol – were impeached,' he added. 'When your side's presidents are impeached twice in a row, it strengthens your resolve to defend your political base. That's why these divides are hard to overcome.' The professor said this is also why front-running candidate Mr Lee began his presidential campaign in Gyeongsang. His conservative rival is seen as having an advantage there. Mr Lee's approval rate in North Gyeongsang stands at about 42 per cent, according to recent polls. But separate surveys show that his support in South Gyeongsang has significantly increased, hovering at about 46 per cent in cities like Busan and Ulsan, slightly ahead of his PPP rival's 42 per cent. While residents whom CNA spoke to were divided on who to vote for, some experts said support for conservatives was shaken after Mr Yoon's failed martial law declaration. MEMORIES OF MASSACRE IN LIBERAL JEOLLA Over in Jeolla, experts noted how Mr Yoon's ill-fated effort to impose military rule stirred up dark memories of a brutal fight for democracy decades ago. The southernmost province in South Korea has been a strong supporter of the liberal bloc, especially after troops were sent in to quell protesters in what is now known as the May 18 massacre, or the Gwangju uprising in 1980. Since then, conservative presidential candidates have consistently failed to win votes in Gwangju and the broader Jeolla region – and this is likely to be the case in next week's polls. Prof Lee said: 'It's similar to the way Korean-Japanese relations are. Apologies need to be genuine. No matter how much Japan apologises (for the Japanese colonisation of the Korean peninsula), Koreans often feel it's not sincere enough." 'In the same way, people from Honam (Jeolla region) don't feel that conservative parties have made genuine apologies for past injustices.' Hundreds of people were tortured and killed during the Gwangju uprising, which began a day after martial law was extended by military general Chun Doo-hwan. He had taken power of the country after leading a coup on Dec 12, 1979, following the assassination of then-President Park Chung-hee. The massacre accelerated South Korea's transition to democracy about seven years later. Many in Gwangju told CNA this was why they could not believe their eyes when they watched Mr Yoon declare martial law on television on Dec 3 last year. 'I was overwhelmed, and I had nowhere to express my anger. It was just so absurd and infuriating … I remember seeing bodies covered with blankets on carts being moved through alleys and later in the city,' recounted a Gwangju resident. Another resident, Madam Kim Gil-Ja, said she immediately thought of the uprising when Mr Yoon made the declaration. Her son Moon Jae-hak was one of the youngest victims of the massacre. The 17-year-old was killed on the last day of the uprising during a pre-dawn assault on the South Jeolla provincial government building – the centre of protests against military rule. Mdm Kim said that when she saw troops break the windows of the National Assembly building in Seoul last year and storm inside, she thought to herself: 'This country is in chaos.' 'If I lived closer to Seoul, I would have gone to the National Assembly myself,' she told CNA. At this year's May 18 commemoration, most of the country's presidential hopefuls, including Mr Lee, were present. But PPP's candidate Kim did not turn up after organisers said he was not welcome. Recent polls show Mr Lee with nearly 80 per cent support in Jeolla, including Gwangju, while Mr Kim trails far behind with just 4 per cent. While 50 years have passed since the Gwangju massacre, the wounds remain deep. Whether they will ever fully heal – and whether the people in Jeolla will one day place their trust in a conservative leader – remains uncertain as the country heads to the ballot box.
