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Hans India
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Transparent caste census vital tool to ensure social justice
For centuries, India endured profound and widespread suffering due to deep-rooted socio-economic, educational, and political disparities that affected the very fabric of our society. The unequal and often unjust distribution of natural resources and opportunities created vast divides between different sections of the population, entrenching poverty and limiting upward mobility for millions. Caste-based discrimination further exacerbated this inequality, systematically marginalizing large segments of society and denying them access to basic rights, education, and fair representation. These structural injustices not only hindered individual progress, but also collectively stalled the nation's journey towards inclusive growth and equitable development, depriving countless citizens of their fundamental right to live a life of dignity and self-respect. It is, therefore, laudable that the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA), chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on April 30, 2025, decided to include caste enumeration in the upcoming national census. This demonstrates the present government's commitment to the holistic interests and values of the nation and society. An official statement issued on the day read: 'As per Article 246 of the Constitution of India, Census is a union subject listed at 69 in the Union List in the Seventh Schedule. While some States have conducted surveys to enumerate castes, these surveys have varied in transparency and intent, with some conducted purely from a political angle, creating doubts in society.' 'Considering all these circumstances, and to ensure that our social fabric does not come under political pressure, it has been decided that caste enumeration should be included in the main census instead of being conducted as a separate survey. This will ensure that society becomes stronger economically and socially, and the country's progress continues without hindrance. It is noteworthy that when a provision of 10 percent reservation was made for the economically weaker sections of society, it did not create tension in any section of society,' added the statement, further stating how the previous government at the Centre led by Dr Manmohan Singh opted for a survey instead of a caste census, known as the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC). Caste-based social discrimination has a complex and varied history across the world, with the most notable example being India, where caste has played a regressive role in dismembering social structure for centuries. Powers-that-be were never serious in addressing the repercussions of caste-based discrimination. The first formal attempt to count castes in India occurred during the British colonial rule, starting with the 1871 Census, and continued in successive decennial censuses until 1931, the last time caste data (other than that of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) was officially recorded. The 1941 Census did include some limited tables for a few selected castes in specific districts, but not a comprehensive all-India caste table. The British used caste data to administratively manage diverse populations, often solidifying caste identities in the process. In recent decades, debates around caste census re-emerged in our country, particularly for policymaking, affirmative action, and resource allocation, amid growing concerns about underrepresentation and social justice. Now the Centre has agreed to count castes. Whether one agrees or disagrees, caste enumeration will neither be divisive nor suppressive but will open up newer and better vistas for inclusion and empowerment of those left behind if the sanctity of details is not compromised and corrective measures are promoted under the ambit of the Constitution, a great asset we have got from none other than Bharat Ratna Dr BR Ambedkar. The idea of a caste census aligns closely with the spirit of our Constitution, which enshrines the principles of equality, social justice, and affirmative action. The Constitution recognizes the historical disadvantages faced by marginalized communities including SCs, STs, and OBCs, and provides for targeted policies to uplift them. A transparent and reliable caste census will serve as a vital tool to ensure that our welfare and affirmative policies are based on accurate and up-to-date data, thereby enhancing their effectiveness and fairness. By revealing the true socio-economic conditions of various caste groups, such a census will empower the state to frame evidence-based welfare programmes and bridge gaps in representation and opportunity. Currently, most welfare policies and affirmative action programmes are based on outdated or incomplete data, making it difficult to assess whether benefits are reaching those who need them most. Far from being divisive, the caste census supports the constitutional mandate to create a more equitable society by acknowledging disparities and working proactively to address them. One should also note that a thorough caste census would expose hidden inequalities and help the government design more targeted interventions to uplift marginalized communities. By acknowledging the real extent of caste-based disparities in education, employment, health, and income, the caste census can move public policy beyond tokenism toward substantive equality. It will foster transparency and accountability in resource allocation, enabling evidence-based decisions rather than assumptions or political calculations. In the long run, recognizing and addressing caste-based disadvantages through data-driven policy could serve as a powerful tool in the larger mission of achieving social justice and ultimately, the annihilation of caste. The critics and opponents of caste census, who are mainly from the so-called upper caste Hindus and other religious groups, enjoying the benefits of over representation for decades, need to know that in a diverse and democratic nation like India, any attempt to continue marginalizing vast sections of society, whether through skewed policies, social exclusion, limited access to quality education, or economic discrimination, ultimately harms the entire nation. When our citizens are deprived of equal opportunities and dignity for long, the nation's collective strength, innovation, and harmony are eroded. Remember, a nation is only as strong as its weakest citizen. Undermining the foundations of equity and inclusion will eventually lead to instability, resentment, and a loss of national potential. And those who orchestrate or endorse such divisions will inevitably face the consequences too, socially, politically, and morally. So, be inclusive, responsible and caring. All-round empowerment of all in sync with the Constitution of India is the need of the hour to secure our collective future. Welcome and support caste census, which must be conducted realistically and is not tempered numerically at all. It must reflect the writings on the wall, and must not suppress or hide them in any respect.
Indian Express
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Question of caste in free India: 1951 Census to now
On April 30 this year, the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) approved caste enumeration in the forthcoming census. While India last collected caste data during the 1931 and 1941 Census, the latest available data is that of 1931 since the 1941 survey was not released. Similar data was collected during the 2011 Census too — but as a part of a special Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) to identify households living below poverty line (BPL) as well as caste so that they could get various entitlements. Despite costing nearly Rs 5,000 crore, this countrywide report was never released. In a meeting of Census officials in February 1950, Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who also held the Home Affairs portfolio in the interim government headed by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, had announced categorically, 'Formerly, there used to be elaborate caste tables which were required in India, partly, to satisfy the theory that it was a caste-ridden country and, partly, to meet the needs of administrative measures dependent upon caste division. In the forthcoming Census, this will no longer be a prominent feature.' Hence, the 14 questions in the 1951 Census sought information on 'nationality, religion and special groups', among other information. However, the omission of caste in enumeration and tabulation would prove to be a huge loss for sociologists and anthropologists. As soon as the 1951 Census was completed, the government in January 1953 decided to constitute a commission headed by then Rajya Sabha MP, social reformer and journalist Dattatreya Balkrishna Kalelkar, popularly called Kaka Kalelkar, to look after the demand for reservation and other affirmative actions for the other backward classes (OBCs). On March 18, 1953, then President Rajendra Prasad formally inaugurated the Kalelkar Commission. Speaking on the occasion, both President Prasad and Prime Minister Nehru expressed the hope that the 'labours' of the commission would pave the way for a 'classless' society in India. Nehru, who disliked the term 'backward classes', even remarked that it was wrong to label any section as backward, even if they were so, particularly, when 90% of the people in the country were poor and backward. As the head of the First OBC Commission, Kalelkar's biggest hurdle was the 'lacunae' of caste data, especially of those who claimed to be OBCs. The Registrar General, meanwhile, provided the Commission with separate reports on the 'estimated' population of certain OBC castes for different states. According to the Registrar General's estimates, nearly 11.5 crore Indians belonged to 930 backward castes. A report by the Kalelkar Commission noted that it had prepared a list of 2,399 castes as backward (Total population of the country in 1951 was 36.10 crore). Stating that the Registrar General's estimates had made its task 'extremely difficult', the Kalelkar Commission noted, 'The Census Department has furnished us with approximate population figures for most of the communities, but we assume no responsibility for the reliability or finality of these figures.' The Commission also got estimates from individual communities. However, the Commission added, 'Figures furnished by the various communities were chiefly a matter of guesswork and their numbers were often exaggerated…. The caste-wise statistics in the previous Census reports (of 1941) were not compiled on a uniform basis throughout India and were, therefore, not of much use…We cannot consider this method of compilation either satisfactory or reliable, but we had to utilize whatever materials were made available to us.' Advising that the next Census should 'give all the necessary information about castes and sub castes', the Kalelkar Commission said, 'We would like to record here that the Census of 1961 should collect and tabulate all the essential figures caste-wise. We are also of the opinion that if it is possible, this should be carried out in 1957 instead of in 1961, in view of the importance of the problems affecting backward classes.' Propagating for the caste census, the panel suggested, 'It would certainly be valuable material for sociologists and anthropologists… But a lurking suspicion is asserting itself in my mind: Can we do it?' Though the report of the First OBC Commission, submitted in 1955, was never implemented, its suspicions would prove to be true. There was no caste census till 2011, which was just an SECC exercise and not a part of the 2011 Census. Kalelkar remained in the Rajya Sabha till 1964. Nehru, who constituted the Commission, passed away in May 1964. Till the end, his government was unclear on the final criteria for backwardness — caste or economics. Replying to a question in the Lok Sabha on April 17, 1963, on the criteria, Maragatham Chandrasekar, then Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, had said, 'All that we are doing now is to suggest to the State Governments that they should adopt the economic criterion instead of the caste criteria.' By 1977, the demand to implement the Kalelkar Commission report had gathered steam. The Morarji Desai government then constituted the Second OBC Commission, headed by Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal, the scion of the erstwhile Murho Estate in Bihar who also served as the seventh chief minister of the state. The Mandal Commission's report was submitted after Indira Gandhi stormed back to power in 1980. Its report, which too suggested a caste census, was implemented in parts in 1994 and then in 2009. Its suggestion on the caste census is finally expected to take place now. The writer is Senior Associate Editor, The Indian Express
India Today
03-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Why caste census announced now? BJP's big bet on nationalism or bid to distract?
With the announcement that caste enumeration would be part of the decadal Census, the BJP-led central government caught the Opposition by surprise. The timing of the announcement was a big, if not a bigger, surprise. That's because it came when the nation's focus is on the Pahalgam terror attack and the response to it. The big question asked by many -- why was the announcement made now?advertisementThe decadal Census, delayed by four years now, had to be conducted and political pressure was piling up on a caste census as well. An announcement had to be made, but it came on April 30, just a week after the dastardly attack in decision came after a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The government is duty-bound to act, not to supply reasons for the timing of its big announcement and its timing -- amid war-like tension after the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack -- has spawned several the BJP trying to bank on the surge in nationalistic sentiment after the Pahalgam attack to trying to take some heat off from the clamour for action on Pahalgam to the upcoming Bihar elections, several plausible reasons have been supplied. Here's dissecting the big four.1. BIG BUSINESS CAN'T WAIT, CENSUS ALREADY DELAYEDadvertisementOne theory suggests that the file for the roll-out of the Census exercise must have reached the PMO by the time the Pahalgam attack took the government has been focused on a response to the dastardly terror attack, by convening high-level security and political meetings, other businesses of high importance shouldn't Census is of high priority. It is only after the population data are out that the government can proceed with the delimitation exercise and the reservation of 33% of the seats for government wants this to happen before the next Lok Sabha election, which is in 2029. If the Census process isn't kick-started now, there won't be enough time for the other enumeration of castes, a big move, has to happen with the Census, and, therefore, the announcement. It has nothing to do with any other development.2. CASTE CENSUS DECISION AHEAD OF BIHAR ELECTIONThe announcement on caste enumeration as part of the decadal Census came a day after PM Modi met RSS chief Mohan remarks that there should be a "review of the reservation policy" ahead of the Bihar election in 2015 that was blamed for a poor electoral show by the synonymous with caste politics, is set to go to the polls later this year. Some experts have seen the announcement in light of the Assembly election in the 2020 Assembly election, the NDA lost 10 per cent of OBC/EBC support while the opposition Mahagathbandhan gained seven per cent. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has conducted a caste survey, but the Congress-led opposition has promised to bring in constitutional changes to remove the 50% cap on reservation, which would benefit the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).Therefore, the fight is intense over the OBC/EBC voter base, and an announcement on the pan-India caste census only boosts the NDA's chances.3. BJP TRYING DIVERSIONARY TACTIC TO TAKE HEAT OFF PAHALGAM?No Indian has an iota of doubt that the perpetrators and the planners of the Pahalgam terror attack will be punished by is a clamour for justice and revenge from across a shocked is a belief that New Delhi's diplomatic offensive, including the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty and cancellation of visas for Pakistanis, haven't met popular has set examples with its cross-LoC counter-strikes after the 2016 Uri and 2019 Pulwama terror attacks. It stands committed to a tough response to terror attacks on its soil in accordance with its policy of zero tolerance on April 24, in his first public remarks on the Pahalgam attack, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, "India will identify, track and punish every terrorist and their backers". In a meeting on April 30, the PM gave a "free hand" to the armed forces "to decide on the mode, targets and timing" of India's the forces might be planning, the public waits guessing. And, some believe, the announcement on the caste census might be intended to take some heat off before taking appropriate action."The PM has been silent on the demand [for a caste census] for 11 when the country was overwhelmed by the sorrow over Pahalgam, he announced the caste census... How can we take his announcement seriously? It is a headline management and diversionary tactic," Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said on Friday."Terrorists challenged us on our own soil, and the government is trying to distract people by bringing up the caste census issue," AAP MP Sanjay Singh just opposition politicians, but the hard right too have attacked the government over the announcement, saying it was serving the caste census when the country was looking for a response to Gandhi, who has been pitching for a pan-India caste census, during his press conference after the government's announcement on caste enumeration, said, "Today, it is the Pahalgam issue that is more important than the caste census."BJP leaders know this well too. Nothing will pacify the people of the country other than a befitting reply to Pahalgam.4. NATIONALISM WILL TAKE CARE OF CASTE CENSUS RESENTMENTThe most plausible theory when it comes to explaining why the government might have announced the decision now is that the country is united in grief and a sense of nationalism is surging after the Pulwama a caste census, some believe, could end up creating fissures, nationalism is a glue that might bind everyone together."They are expecting that whatever resentment they would have faced over the decision to conduct a caste census will get overshadowed by nationalism," a veteran journalist close to the BJP ecosystem told India Today Digital."All castes, including the upper caste, are equally nationalised. Nationalism will take care of any resentment," he BJP-led government has given in to a major opposition demand and the opposition would like to tom-tom its victory. The timing suits the BJP because the focus on Pahalgam might help drown out the opposition's jeers and resisting for years now, the BJP must have analysed that giving in to the demand for a caste census would be politically beneficial. One of the factors for the party's loss of seats in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh in the 2024 general election is blamed on the shift in OBC a caste census, which will benefit the OBCs the most, it might be trying to consolidate that segment, while disarming the opposition of a potent electoral issue. Though the reasons for the BJP going for a caste census is obvious, it is the timing of the announcement, amid all the focus on the Pahalgam attack, that has surprised most InMust Watch
Time of India
03-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
'Caste census merely first step': Tejashwi Yadav writes to PM Modi with 'cautious optimism', bats for private sector quota
NEW DELHI: (RJD) leader on Saturday wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, asking him to review the reservation cap once caste census data is available. "Conducting the caste census is merely the first step of the long journey towards social justice . Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The census data must lead to a comprehensive review of social protection and reservation policies. The arbitrary cap on reservations will also have to be reconsidered," said Yadav, who is the leader of the opposition in the Bihar legislative assembly. The letter follows the Centre's decision to include caste enumeration in the upcoming national census. This decision was taken by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs chaired by Prime Minister Modi. The announcement was made on April 30 by Information and Broadcasting Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw. Caste Census Explained: History Of Caste Counting, State Surveys, And Political Credit War Yadav welcomed the move but pointed out that the decision had come late. "For years, your government and the NDA alliance have dismissed calls for a caste census as divisive and unnecessary. When Bihar took the initiative to conduct its own caste survey, central authorities including the top law officer of the government and your party created obstacles at every step. Your party colleagues questioned the very necessity of such data collection. Your belated decision represents an acknowledgement of the groundswell of demands from the citizens who have long been relegated to the margins of our society." Modi govt, Opposition Face Off Over Credit for Caste Census Move, BJP Counters Congress, RJD Claims He also said that the caste census must influence how constituencies are drawn in the upcoming delimitation exercise. "As a country, we also have a critical opportunity to correct enduring injustices in the upcoming delimitation exercise. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The redrawing of constituencies should be sensitive to and reflective of the census data. Special provisions must be made for adequate political representation of OBCs and EBCs who have been systematically excluded from decision-making forums. Hence, they will need to be expanded based on the proportional representation principle in state assemblies and the parliament of India." Yadav said the results of a national caste census could reflect trends seen in Bihar. "The Bihar caste survey, which revealed that OBCs and EBCs constitute approximately 63% of our state's population, shattered many myths perpetuated to maintain the status quo. Similar patterns are likely to emerge nationwide. I am sure that the revelation that disadvantaged communities form the overwhelming majority of our population while remaining severely underrepresented in positions of power will create a democratic awakening transcending political boundary." He also raised the issue of inclusivity in the private sector. "The private sector, which has been a major beneficiary of public resources, cannot remain insulated from social justice imperatives. Companies have received substantial benefits—land at concessional rates, power subsidies, tax exemptions, infrastructure support, and various financial incentives—all funded by taxpayer money. In return, it is entirely reasonable to expect them to reflect the social composition of our country. The context created by the caste census must be used to have open conversations about inclusivity and diversity in the private sector across organisational hierarchies."
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Business Standard
01-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
Explained: What is caste census, when was it last held and why is it back?
On April 30, the Narendra Modi -led Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) gave the green light to conducting the Opposition's long-standing demand of caste census in the upcoming national Census, marking a significant departure from the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) earlier position. The decision comes ahead of the Bihar assembly election and follows last year's closely contested Lok Sabha election. This move also reopens a complex debate over caste, representation, and social justice in India's democracy. The timeline for the pan-India Census, originally scheduled for 2021 but delayed due to the Covid-19 pandemic, has still not been announced though. However, the clearance for caste enumeration signals a broader political recalibration. Watch: What is the caste census and how is it different from the population census? The intent is to understand the population distribution across castes, their socio-economic status, and how government policies and reservation benefits can be better targeted. When was India's last caste census held and why did it stop? Caste census was a regular feature under British rule from 1881 to 1931. The last full caste census was conducted in 1931, under the supervision of Census Commissioner J H Hutton. The 1941 Census was disrupted by World War II and its caste data was never published. After independence, starting with the 1951 Census, caste data was officially dropped. Post-1951, only data related to SCs and STs continued to be collected, leaving out OBCs and others. This was part of an official policy to move away from reinforcing caste identities. However, in 1961, states were permitted to conduct their own surveys to identify OBCs. The Mandal Commission, appointed in 1979, relied on the 1931 caste data to estimate the OBC population at 52 per cent. This figure formed the basis for the 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in education and jobs implemented in 1990. Did the UPA and Congress government conduct a caste census in 2010? During the second term of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), pressure from Hindi heartland parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Samajwadi Party (SP), and Janata Dal (United) led to the announcement of a Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2010. The UPA-II government initially resisted, with the Home Ministry under P Chidambaram warning that caste enumeration might compromise the accuracy of overall Census data. Eventually, a Group of Ministers headed by then Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee was set up. After internal disagreements and consultations with political parties, the decision to hold a caste count was taken. The SECC was carried out alongside the 2011 Census, but its caste data was never released. The SECC data cost nearly ₹4,900 crore and was published in 2016, but only the socio-economic findings were made public. The caste data was handed over to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. An expert group led by then-NITI Aayog Vice Chairperson Arvind Panagariya was tasked with its classification — a report which remains unreleased. Which Indian states have released their own caste survey data? In the absence of national data, states have taken the lead in conducting Caste Census. Bihar: Released its caste survey in 2023 under the JD(U)-RJD-Congress coalition. The data put OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) at over 60 per cent of the state population. Karnataka: The survey, commissioned in 2015 during Siddaramaiah's first term, was submitted only in February 2025 and approved by his Cabinet in April. Telangana: The Congress government released its Socio-Economic, Educational, Employment, Political, and Caste survey report in February 2024. Why has the BJP reversed its stance on conducting a caste census? The timing of the BJP's reversal on caste census coincides with the upcoming Bihar Assembly elections, where caste plays a dominant role in politics. Political pundits are of the opinion that by approving caste enumeration, the Modi government aims to neutralise opposition narratives built around social justice. Until recently, BJP leaders had opposed the idea of caste-based enumeration. On July 20, 2021, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Nityanand Rai, told Parliament that the Centre would not count castes other than SCs and STs. Following the April 30 announcement, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw called it a reversal of the Congress policy and blamed the party for not holding a caste census during its long rule. What the British colonial caste census reveals about data and identity The British colonial administration encountered several difficulties with caste enumeration. The 1901 Census under H H Risley adopted the varna hierarchy, sparking protests from caste groups who felt misrepresented. By 1931, J H Hutton used occupation instead of varna to classify caste groups. But even this model struggled with inconsistencies — for example, cultivation was seen as a high-status occupation in northern India but linked with 'exterior' castes in the south. Hutton observed that avoiding caste enumeration was not a solution, famously saying it was akin to the ostrich burying its head in the sand. Historian Sekhar Bandyopadhyay has noted that the colonial census often became a means for caste groups to assert or contest their social status, leading to mobilisation and agitations. What could change after India conducts a nationwide caste census? A caste census could set the stage for a re-evaluation of the current reservation framework and welfare policies. The new data may prompt demands for proportional representation in education, jobs, and political seats based on updated population figures. It may trigger court cases and legislative debates over the 50 per cent cap on reservations set by the Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992). Additionally, previous debates have seen demands for sub-quotas within women's reservation for OBC women, which may resurface. The lack of reliable caste data has long been cited as a hindrance to designing targeted social welfare schemes. But releasing such data also risks sparking caste-based polarisation or renewed demands from dominant groups seeking inclusion in the OBC list, experts caution. The Modi government's decision to include caste enumeration in the upcoming census marks a watershed moment. While the timeline for the next Census remains uncertain, the approval of caste enumeration sets the stage for a significant transformation in the landscape of Indian social policy and electoral politics.
