A different approach to the caste census
The story so far: The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs, chaired by Prime Minister Modi, has decided to conduct caste enumeration in the upcoming Census. As per Article 246 of the Constitution, the Census is a Union subject listed in the 7th schedule. The caste census must be viewed beyond binaries of 'for or against' to envision a more transformative idea — as a foundational tool for what might be called a social management approach to governance.
What were the findings from State-level caste censuses?
The Bihar caste survey (2023) found that Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Economically Backward Classes (EBCs) together make up over 63% of the population, with EBCs alone at 36.01%. Scheduled Castes (SC) account for 19.65%, and Scheduled Tribes (SC) for 1.68%. The general category comprises only 15.52%. Additionally, over 34% of Bihar's families live on less than ₹200 per day, with nearly 44% of SC households below that line.
In Telangana's 2025 survey, Backward Classes (BCs) constituted 56.33% of the population, with BC Muslims forming a substantial 10.08%. These numbers reveal a stark reality: India's marginalised communities form the majority but are significantly underrepresented in education, employment, and governance.
Data shared by the Union Minister of State for Education in Parliament reveals that only 4% of professors and 6% of associate professors in 45 Central Universities are OBCs, while 85% are from the general category. This imbalance exists despite the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Teachers' Cadre) Act, 2019.
Yet, the policy response is hindered by the absence of reliable data. India hasn't conducted a full caste census since 1931. The 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) was marred by data inconsistencies and its findings were withheld. Without up-to-date caste data, affirmative action and development policies remain speculative.
What is a social management approach?
Top-down welfare models in India have failed to adequately address layered inequities of caste, gender, and class. A social management approach does the opposite: it starts with data, targets need-based interventions, and treats caste as a developmental variable rather than a stigma. If we know who needs what, and how need is shaped by historical disadvantage, we can design policies with greater equity and efficiency. Caste data becomes a lens to understand inequity structurally, rather than as isolated cases. Tamil Nadu offers a model, using data from the Backward Classes Commission to adjust policies on reservations, scholarships, and governance. Karnataka's caste survey is being used to recalibrate reservation policies in education and jobs.
A national caste census would enable such models at scale. It could inform disaggregated budgeting, where funds are allocated, not just based on geography or income but on caste-based gaps in healthcare, infrastructure, and education. It could enable diversity audits in institutions, showing who occupies power and who doesn't.
It could also track how schemes like PM Awas Yojana or Skill India are reaching caste groups, ensuring that the most marginalised aren't left out.
Are there global precedents?
Critics argue that a caste census deepens social divides and undermines national unity. However, the reality is that caste endures not because it is counted, but because it shapes how opportunity, and wealth are distributed. Ignoring caste does not erase it. It merely obscures structural inequality behind ignorance. A caste census does not create casteism; it reveals it. Other democracies don't shy away from identity-based data. The U.S. collects race and ethnicity data every 10 years and uses it for civil rights enforcement. South Africa and Brazil do the same by tracking race and language categories. If these nations can use such data to address inequity, so must India, home to the most enduring and hierarchical caste system in the world.
What about transparency?
The value of a caste census extends beyond policymaking. It is also a vital instrument of democratic accountability. Disaggregated data enables civil society, the media, and citizens to know whether public resources are being equitably shared. A publicly accessible caste census would empower citizens to demand transparency. It could expose intra-caste inequalities and where welfare benefits are monopolised by elite sub-groups, leaving the truly disadvantaged behind.
Ultimately, the caste census is not about counting caste. It is about recognising injustice and correcting it. Thus, a caste census rooted in social management would be linked to a wider agenda of social emancipation. This includes constitutional literacy, land rights, housing, labour protections, and justice for Dalit, Bahujan, and Adivasi women who face intersectional exploitation. A caste census done right could offer India a data-driven democratic transformation.
Prof. Sony Kunjappan is the Head, Department of Studies in Social Management, Central University of Gujarat. Amal Chandra is an author, policy analyst, and columnist
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hindustan Times
16 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Tech a means to empower poorest of poor, says PM Modi
Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday that his government in its 11 years has brought innumerable benefits for people by leveraging the power of technology and credited the role of youngsters in shaping and driving many of these changes. 'Leveraging the power of technology has brought innumerable benefits for people. Service delivery and transparency have been greatly boosted. Furthermore, technology has become a means of empowering the lives of the poorest of poor,' PM Modi wrote on X. The PM reposted an X thread by the IT ministry-led MyGovIndia summarising key digital developments over the past decade. Titled 'Tech it to the top,' the thread highlighted a 2,500-fold increase in Unified Payment Interface (UPI) transaction volumes over the last eight years, and its expansion to over seven countries including a recent entry into Europe via France. According to the recent National Statistical Office's Comprehensive Modular Survey: Telecom 2025, nearly 99.5% of Indians aged 15 to 29 years who can make online banking transactions said they are capable of using UPI for digital payments. In a separate post, the government shared updates on its Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) system, which it said has helped transfer over ₹44 lakh crore across 322 schemes and saved ₹3.48 lakh crore by cutting out leakages. The scale-up of Aadhaar, now used by over 1.4 billion people, was also presented as a pillar of digital governance. The thread also touched on drone innovation, mentioning how it has empowered rural women in initiatives like 'Drone Didis' to strategic deployments in Operation Sindoor. 'Our self-reliance is soaring with 550+ Indian drone companies emerging, and 14,000+ SwaYaan beneficiaries ready to fly,' said the post. In the field of artificial intelligence, the government said it has supported the development of AI Centres of Excellence and AI tools such as Chitralekha (an open-source video transcreation platform) and Everest 1.0 (a multilingual AI model developed under the Hanooman project). The government also lauded the India Semiconductor Mission (ISM), a ₹1.55 lakh crore production-PLI scheme aimed at attracting investment and promoting local chip design. The mission was launched by the IT ministry in 2021, and has so far approved six semiconductor units across Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Assam, with many more to be announced soon. In the space sector, ISRO's launch of 393 foreign satellites was cited as a marker of progress, along with a proposed goal of setting up a Bharatiya Antariksh Station (BAS) by 2035. Finally, the government noted that its digital literacy campaign in rural areas, PMGDISHA, had trained over 6.3 crore individuals achieving its targets ahead of schedule. The campaign comes as part of a broader effort by the government to showcase achievements across sectors, as it completes over a decade in office since PM Modi took office on May 26, 2014.
Indian Express
21 minutes ago
- Indian Express
‘Melania Trump wouldn't have visited govt school in Delhi, if Modi had achievements to show': Cheema hits back at Hardeep Puri
As only one week has been left to voting for the Ludhiana West Assembly bypoll, scheduled on June 19, the ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) on Thursday intensified attacks on main rivals the Opposition Congress and the BJP. Criticising Union minister Hardeep Puri for boasting of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led central government's achievements over the past 11 years, Punjab Finance Minister Harpal Singh Cheema Thursday said if the Modi government had delivered on its promises, there would have been no need to showcase Delhi's government schools to Melania Trump, the wife of US President Donald Trump. On February 25, 2020, Melania had attended a 'happiness class' at the Delhi government's Sarvodaya Coed Senior Secondary School South in New Delhi. Likewise, AAP Anandpur Sahib MP Malvinder Singh Kang launched a scathing attack on Congress candidate Bharat Bhushan Ashu, accusing him of 'creating an environment of fear and intimidation during his tenure as an MLA and a minister' and urging voters 'to reject his arrogance'. Kang said Ashu's 'behaviour has made him a symbol of arrogance and power abuse. His language, threats and rebukes to government officials and his public humiliation of a female District Education Officer (DEO) in front of schoolchildren and teachers have left the people of Ludhiana fearful of his return to power.' Cheema pointed out that the BJP lacked schools of their own to present and were compelled to highlight the government schools built by the AAP in Delhi. 'The AAP government's schools are so exemplary that children from ordinary families get admissions to IITs and medical colleges. In contrast, the BJP government closed nearly one lakh government schools. When the BJP came to power in 2014, there were 11 lakh government schools in the country; now the number has reduced to only 10 lakh. This is BJP's version of development,' Cheema said. Senior AAP leader Cheema said while boasting about the Modi government's achievements, Puri conveniently ignored how his government consistently undermined the Constitution and dismantled the country's federal structure.' 'The Constitution defines India as a Union of states, with clearly outlined powers for the states and the Centre, and provisions for joint lawmaking in certain cases. But, in the past 11 years, the Modi government has centralised authority, systematically obstructing the functioning of states. Anyone who fails to respect the Constitution cannot genuinely contribute to the nation's development,' Cheema said, addressing a press conference in Ludhiana. Contrasting Ashu's record with AAP candidate Sanjeev Arora, Kang said, 'On one side, you have a man whose arrogance has alienated not just the public but even his party workers, while on the other side, Sanjeev Arora represents humility, accessibility and a genuine will to serve. Arora is a businessman from a humble background and entered politics solely to work for the betterment of Ludhiana.' Pointing to the allegations of corruption and abuse of power against Ashu, Kang said, 'These are not just opinions, but a public record. His character is that of a bully, unfit to represent the people of Ludhiana West.' 'This election is not just about electing an MLA, it is also about choosing between fear and trust, between arrogance and service. Ashu had his chance, but he squandered it with his overbearing behaviour and disregard for the common people. Ludhiana West deserves better,' Kang added. Terming the Centre's Ayushman scheme 'riddled with conditions that prevent many from benefiting', Cheema said, 'Whereas millions of poor families received treatment at Mohalla Clinics without any restrictions.' Cheema clarified that Mohalla Clinics are designed for primary healthcare, not for managing pandemics. 'Puri should understand that primary healthcare centres are meant to treat common ailments, not epidemics,' Cheema said. Speaking about the AAP government's promise to provide Rs 1,000 monthly incentive to Punjab women, Cheema pointed out that the BJP had pledged to give Rs 2500 and three free gas cylinders in Delhi, Haryana and Rajasthan, and sought to know 'what concrete steps, if any, had been taken to fulfil these promises'. Cheema questioned Puri about Modi's unfulfilled promise of depositing Rs 15 lakh in the bank accounts of every Indian citizen. He also reminded the BJP about their promise to create 2 crore jobs annually, alleging that instead of generating employment, 'the BJP government took jobs away and the country's unemployment rate is now at its highest in 65 years'. Cheema sought the BJP's explanation about 'why it betrayed the youths so gravely'.
Hindustan Times
26 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
New York real estate industry appeals broker-fee case ruling
(Bloomberg) -- Real estate groups are challenging a ruling by a federal judge that allowed New York City to begin enforcing a new law requiring landlords, rather than their tenants, to pay fees for hiring listing brokers. US District Judge Ronnie Abrams on June 10 denied a request by the Real Estate Board of New York, the New York State Association of Realtors and others to pause the law while their lawsuit proceeds. The ruling was another setback for the industry's legal fight against the measure, which went into effect on June 11. The groups on June 12 filed an appeal of Abrams' decision to the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. The City Council adopted the measure in November to end the longstanding practice of tenants being forced to pay costs incurred by landlords to hire the brokers who list their properties, which can add thousands of dollars to housing costs. The real estate industry argued the new law branded brokers as villains and would force landlords to raise rents to cover the costs of hiring them. New York City renters who settle on apartments that have broker fees pay an average of almost $13,000 to secure the keys to a property, which frequently includes thousands of dollars in fees for brokers hired by landlords to secure tenants, according to an analysis by StreetEasy released last year. Roughly 40% to 50% of listings on StreetEasy have required lease signers to pay the commissions of agents hired by their new landlords, which have typically ranged from one month's rent to 15% of the annual bill. The Real Estate Board contends that the law, known as Fairness in Apartment Rental Expenses Act, or FARE Act, interferes with exclusive agreements that landlords sign with brokers to list their properties and find tenants, in violation of the Constitution's bar against state laws impairing private contracts. It also argues the law violates the free-speech rights of landlords and brokers who publish real estate listings and then seek to receive compensation from tenants for the cost of the listing service. The industry's lawsuit alleges that the law will make rent-stabilized apartments too costly to operate and force landlords to raise rents to cover the cost of broker fees. The industry says tenants usually pay less over the life of a lease when commissions are paid separately, and that some are already refusing to pay broker fees even though the law hasn't taken effect yet. The law could dramatically change the dynamics of the city's highly competitive rental market, where prices have soared since pandemic restrictions began easing in 2021. The median cost of new Manhattan leases was $4,571 in May, reaching another all-time high, according to appraiser Miller Samuel Inc. and Douglas Elliman. Prices have also set records in the outer boroughs. The case is Real Estate Board of New York v City of New York, 24-CV-9678, US District Court, Southern District of New York (Manhattan). -More stories like this are available on ©2025 Bloomberg L.P.
