Latest news with #DemocraticSocialistsofAmerica
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Mamdani and his campaign doubted viability early on
NEW YORK — During the genesis of Zohran Mamdani's now-surging mayoral campaign, the candidate and his democratic socialist allies said it was highly likely — or even certain — that Mamdani would lose the mayor's race. Instead, the goal from the campaign's inception was to build the New York City arm of the Democratic Socialists of America, said six Democrats who relayed private discussions and meetings with Mamdani, a campaign staffer and DSA leadership. All were granted anonymity to freely discuss private strategy. 'He was pretty clearly like, 'I know I'm not running to win. I know I have no path to victory,'' said one Democrat, who spoke directly to Mamdani shortly before he launched his campaign. The strategy appears to be working. Since Mamdani's October campaign launch, DSA membership has grown 40 percent and a DSA leader told POLITICO the campaign has put together a trove of data the party can repurpose to launch primary challenges in areas where Mamdani is popular. 'Since Zohran launched his mayoral campaign, we have gained over 2,400 members,' Grace Mausser, co-chair of NYC-DSA, said in a statement. 'New members often mention Zohran's success and the refreshing nature of a candidate — and movement — that puts working people and affordability first.' Mamdani joined the race with little name recognition, less than four years in public office and a spot at the bottom of the crowded pack of candidates. Early polls put him at 2 percent or less in the race. But since his launch, he has risen to take a decisive hold on second place. His longshot effort has morphed into the strongest opposition to mayoral front-runner Andrew Cuomo. Mamdani was the first to max out in the city's public campaign finance system, has the backing of a super PAC and has the very real potential of landing key progressive endorsements from the Working Families Party and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as their top-ranked candidate. Ocasio-Cortez's membership in the NYC-DSA and her national popularity have made her a power broker on the left. But barring a primary win, the yardstick for measuring Mamdani's success may end up being subjective. Some on the left, who are already rankled by his rise, are more inclined to preemptively view his run as a failure. Many progressives fear Mamdani's label as a Democratic Socialist repels voters in a city ruled by a moderate Democratic governor and a moderate Democratic mayor-turned-friend of President Donald Trump. Mamdani's positions on Israel and thin legislative experience don't endear him with the political establishment, either. All of this, they claim, is blocking other candidates closer to the center-left who could be capable of building a broad enough coalition to beat Cuomo. Mayoral hopeful Brad Lander has the cash, legislative record, experience winning a citywide election and support from Democratic electeds to theoretically attract a base big enough to win the primary — but Mamdani has prevented him from breaking out of an increasingly distant third place. While a Marist College poll conducted earlier this month shows just one-fourth of Democratic voters in the city identify as 'very liberal' — a potential ceiling for Mamdani — a poll released this week showed him surpassing that benchmark in later rounds of ranked choice voting. The survey found he came within just eight points of beating Cuomo in the final round. 'From the day he entered this race, Zohran has been running to win — and nothing demonstrates that quite like the latest polls, which have us less than nine points away from defeating Andrew Cuomo,' Mamdani's spokesperson, Lekha Sunder, said in a statement. 'With still three weeks to go, millions in cash-on-hand, and 25,000 volunteers who believe in this movement, we are on a clear path to victory and to a city New Yorkers can actually afford." DSA leadership's statements and resolutions also show the organization's members can range from reluctant to outright hostile when it comes to embracing other anti-Cuomo candidates in the city's ranked choice voting system. 'Their goal was to get in third place and to build the party, build the DSA, and now their goal seems to be to get into second place and build the DSA,' said another Democrat, who spoke directly with top DSA leadership this fall after Mamdani launched his campaign. Members of the DSA who were present during the fall forum when Mamdani sought the DSA's endorsement say the campaign was pitched as a party-building exercise, instead of a genuine path to City Hall. 'It was just said over and over again, that this was a way to build the base that would make it easier to win campaigns in the future,' said one DSA member. A Mamdani spokesperson, Mausser and Michael Whitesides, the DSA's current electoral working group co-chair, deny this. 'That was not how this was framed to me,' Whitesides said. 'I don't think DSA takes on races we feel like we can't win. We can appreciate it's a long shot and think about the consolation prizes — like grow capacity or learn new skills — but we as an organization are not in races to lose. The thrust of the pitch to run Zohran was to try and win.' Mamdani's campaign also directed POLITICO to previous statements from the candidate, including in late February when he said, 'We always were setting up a campaign that could win this race.' But the city's DSA chapter — which hasn't supported a mayoral candidate since David Dinkins' run in 1989 — is open about the fact that Mamdani's campaign is simultaneously serving as a vehicle for the future of the party. 'We're seeing a crazy amount more interest in voting for a socialist than I would have guessed eight months ago,' Mausser said. 'One thing we'll be looking at is: OK, what neighborhoods voted for Zohran number one? Are these places that we can and should be running in the future?' In recent weeks, Mamdani has stood out as the candidate willing to boost other candidates — who all trail Cuomo by even wider margins than Mamdani's. He's the only candidate who has promised to endorse someone else as a No. 2 ballot choice through the city's ranked choice voting system, and he encouraged his supporters to donate to City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams' mayoral campaign after he raised the maximum amount through the city's public campaign finance program. Despite these efforts, the DSA's local party leadership, who are fully behind Mamdani's bid, have stood in the way of supporting other candidates. Mausser confirmed the party passed a resolution calling for DSA-endorsed elected officials to announce their intentions to rank Mamdani first on their mayoral ballot — if they don't, it could count against them the next time the organization is doling out endorsements. Last month, Gustavo Gordillo, NYC-DSA's other co-chair, applauded Bronx state Sen. Gustavo Rivera for endorsing Mamdani — and cheered his decision to not endorse Lander, whose positions on the Israel-Hamas war and freezing rent put him at odds with the DSA. 'Credit to Gustavo Rivera for not being afraid to tell Brad no and buck the left-liberal orthodoxy,' Gordillo wrote in a since-deleted X post. Mausser stressed the DSA does not have a formal position on the other candidates and is only rooting against Cuomo, who polling shows is projected to capture 50 percent of both Black Democratic voters and Democratic voters from the Bronx. He's also projected to win the support of 41 percent of Latino voters. And while Mamdani places second in all recent polls, he has struggled to gain ground with groups representing a disproportionate share of low-income earners — the very demographic the DSA purports to be focused on persuading. An April Siena College poll found Mamdani captured just 10 percent of Black voters, who, along with Latinos, make up the largest share of the city's low-income residents. He won only 2 percent of the vote in the Bronx, where median income significantly trails other boroughs. 'You can't win a mayoral race as a progressive without the support of working and middle class, black and brown communities, and this campaign does not have those relationships,' one DSA member told POLITICO. 'They have not had that from the jump, and as the race has unfolded, that has continued to be the case.' Sunder, Mamdani's campaign spokesperson, said the campaign has knocked on about 12,000 doors in the Bronx and won endorsements from current and former Bronx elected officials like Rep. Jamaal Bowman, who left office in January. The campaign also touted Mamdani's support from Latino voters, which Marist clocked at 20 percent in its poll. Gordillo said in another social media post that the DSA is using Mamdani's campaign to, in part, increase awareness residents have of their own position in the city's socioeconomic strata. 'NYC DSA is the only org on the left trying to use the mayoral race to change the political terrain on our terms and to raise class consciousness,' he wrote. 'I think this experiment will have outsized effects like Bernie did in 2016.' The line between Mamdani's campaign and Gordillo and Mausser's DSA chapter has been hazy from the start. The party helped orchestrate Mamdani's launch, and Mamdani made it clear he would not run for mayor unless he had the DSA's support. There are weekly meetings between the campaign and the chapter, and DSA members are helping with strategy in addition to taking the lead on his canvassing operation, Mausser said. So far, with the DSA's help, Mamdani has knocked 545,000 doors, according to his campaign. While Mausser claimed the DSA and Mamdani are in it to win it, regardless of whether he wins or loses, the post-primary prospects for the party — and Mamdani — are already looking up. She pointed to the possibility of a failed mayoral bid cementing Mamdani's influence over the left flank of city politics, an outcome similar to the one experienced by Cynthia Nixon, Cuomo's 2018 gubernatorial primary challenger. Nixon hasn't run for office since, but she hosted a fundraiser for Mamdani in March. 'Even if he loses, we'll now have an assemblymember who's dedicated to working with us, who has a huge profile and who can use his political clout to fight for DSA's priorities in Albany,' Mausser said. 'Cynthia Nixon is still a much sought endorser, and Zohran can find himself in a similar position as being something of a power broker for the progressive left.'
Politico
3 days ago
- Politics
- Politico
Mamdani and his campaign doubted viability early on
NEW YORK — During the genesis of Zohran Mamdani's now-surging mayoral campaign, the candidate and his democratic socialist allies said it was highly likely — or even certain — that Mamdani would lose the mayor's race. Instead, the goal from the campaign's inception was to build the New York City arm of the Democratic Socialists of America, said six Democrats who relayed private discussions and meetings with Mamdani, a campaign staffer and DSA leadership. All were granted anonymity to freely discuss private strategy. 'He was pretty clearly like, 'I know I'm not running to win. I know I have no path to victory,'' said one Democrat, who spoke directly to Mamdani shortly before he launched his campaign. The strategy appears to be working. Since Mamdani's October campaign launch, DSA membership has grown 40 percent and a DSA leader told POLITICO the campaign has put together a trove of data the party can repurpose to launch primary challenges in areas where Mamdani is popular. 'Since Zohran launched his mayoral campaign, we have gained over 2,400 members,' Grace Mausser, co-chair of NYC-DSA, said in a statement. 'New members often mention Zohran's success and the refreshing nature of a candidate — and movement — that puts working people and affordability first.' Mamdani joined the race with little name recognition, less than four years in public office and a spot at the bottom of the crowded pack of candidates. Early polls put him at 2 percent or less in the race. But since his launch, he has risen to take a decisive hold on second place. His longshot effort has morphed into the strongest opposition to mayoral front-runner Andrew Cuomo. Mamdani was the first to max out in the city's public campaign finance system, has the backing of a super PAC and has the very real potential of landing key progressive endorsements from the Working Families Party and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as their top-ranked candidate. Ocasio-Cortez's membership in the NYC-DSA and her national popularity have made her a power broker on the left. But barring a primary win, the yardstick for measuring Mamdani's success may end up being subjective. Some on the left, who are already rankled by his rise, are more inclined to preemptively view his run as a failure. Many progressives fear Mamdani's label as a Democratic Socialist repels voters in a city ruled by a moderate Democratic governor and a moderate Democratic mayor-turned-friend of President Donald Trump. Mamdani's positions on Israel and thin legislative experience don't endear him with the political establishment, either. All of this, they claim, is blocking other candidates closer to the center-left who could be capable of building a broad enough coalition to beat Cuomo. Mayoral hopeful Brad Lander has the cash, legislative record, experience winning a citywide election and support from Democratic electeds to theoretically attract a base big enough to win the primary — but Mamdani has prevented him from breaking out of an increasingly distant third place. While a Marist College poll conducted earlier this month shows just one-fourth of Democratic voters in the city identify as 'very liberal' — a potential ceiling for Mamdani — a poll released this week showed him surpassing that benchmark in later rounds of ranked choice voting. The survey found he came within just eight points of beating Cuomo in the final round. 'From the day he entered this race, Zohran has been running to win — and nothing demonstrates that quite like the latest polls, which have us less than nine points away from defeating Andrew Cuomo,' Mamdani's spokesperson, Lekha Sunder, said in a statement. 'With still three weeks to go, millions in cash-on-hand, and 25,000 volunteers who believe in this movement, we are on a clear path to victory and to a city New Yorkers can actually afford.' DSA leadership's statements and resolutions also show the organization's members can range from reluctant to outright hostile when it comes to embracing other anti-Cuomo candidates in the city's ranked choice voting system. 'Their goal was to get in third place and to build the party, build the DSA, and now their goal seems to be to get into second place and build the DSA,' said another Democrat, who spoke directly with top DSA leadership this fall after Mamdani launched his campaign. Members of the DSA who were present during the fall forum when Mamdani sought the DSA's endorsement say the campaign was pitched as a party-building exercise, instead of a genuine path to City Hall. 'It was just said over and over again, that this was a way to build the base that would make it easier to win campaigns in the future,' said one DSA member. A Mamdani spokesperson, Mausser and Michael Whitesides, the DSA's current electoral working group co-chair, deny this. 'That was not how this was framed to me,' Whitesides said. 'I don't think DSA takes on races we feel like we can't win. We can appreciate it's a long shot and think about the consolation prizes — like grow capacity or learn new skills — but we as an organization are not in races to lose. The thrust of the pitch to run Zohran was to try and win.' Mamdani's campaign also directed POLITICO to previous statements from the candidate, including in late February when he said, 'We always were setting up a campaign that could win this race.' But the city's DSA chapter — which hasn't supported a mayoral candidate since David Dinkins' run in 1989 — is open about the fact that Mamdani's campaign is simultaneously serving as a vehicle for the future of the party. 'We're seeing a crazy amount more interest in voting for a socialist than I would have guessed eight months ago,' Mausser said. 'One thing we'll be looking at is: OK, what neighborhoods voted for Zohran number one? Are these places that we can and should be running in the future?' In recent weeks, Mamdani has stood out as the candidate willing to boost other candidates — who all trail Cuomo by even wider margins than Mamdani's. He's the only candidate who has promised to endorse someone else as a No. 2 ballot choice through the city's ranked choice voting system, and he encouraged his supporters to donate to City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams' mayoral campaign after he raised the maximum amount through the city's public campaign finance program. Despite these efforts, the DSA's local party leadership, who are fully behind Mamdani's bid, have stood in the way of supporting other candidates. Mausser confirmed the party passed a resolution calling for DSA-endorsed elected officials to announce their intentions to rank Mamdani first on their mayoral ballot — if they don't, it could count against them the next time the organization is doling out endorsements. Last month, Gustavo Gordillo, NYC-DSA's other co-chair, applauded Bronx state Sen. Gustavo Rivera for endorsing Mamdani — and cheered his decision to not endorse Lander, whose positions on the Israel-Hamas war and freezing rent put him at odds with the DSA. 'Credit to Gustavo Rivera for not being afraid to tell Brad no and buck the left-liberal orthodoxy,' Gordillo wrote in a since-deleted X post. Mausser stressed the DSA does not have a formal position on the other candidates and is only rooting against Cuomo, who polling shows is projected to capture 50 percent of both Black Democratic voters and Democratic voters from the Bronx. He's also projected to win the support of 41 percent of Latino voters. And while Mamdani places second in all recent polls, he has struggled to gain ground with groups representing a disproportionate share of low-income earners — the very demographic the DSA purports to be focused on persuading. An April Siena College poll found Mamdani captured just 10 percent of Black voters, who, along with Latinos, make up the largest share of the city's low-income residents. He won only 2 percent of the vote in the Bronx, where median income significantly trails other boroughs. 'You can't win a mayoral race as a progressive without the support of working and middle class, black and brown communities, and this campaign does not have those relationships,' one DSA member told POLITICO. 'They have not had that from the jump, and as the race has unfolded, that has continued to be the case.' Sunder, Mamdani's campaign spokesperson, said the campaign has knocked on about 12,000 doors in the Bronx and won endorsements from current and former Bronx elected officials like Rep. Jamaal Bowman, who left office in January. The campaign also touted Mamdani's support from Latino voters, which Marist clocked at 20 percent in its poll. Gordillo said in another social media post that the DSA is using Mamdani's campaign to, in part, increase awareness residents have of their own position in the city's socioeconomic strata. 'NYC DSA is the only org on the left trying to use the mayoral race to change the political terrain on our terms and to raise class consciousness,' he wrote. 'I think this experiment will have outsized effects like Bernie did in 2016.' The line between Mamdani's campaign and Gordillo and Mausser's DSA chapter has been hazy from the start. The party helped orchestrate Mamdani's launch, and Mamdani made it clear he would not run for mayor unless he had the DSA's support. There are weekly meetings between the campaign and the chapter, and DSA members are helping with strategy in addition to taking the lead on his canvassing operation, Mausser said. So far, with the DSA's help, Mamdani has knocked 545,000 doors, according to his campaign. While Mausser claimed the DSA and Mamdani are in it to win it, regardless of whether he wins or loses, the post-primary prospects for the party — and Mamdani — are already looking up. She pointed to the possibility of a failed mayoral bid cementing Mamdani's influence over the left flank of city politics, an outcome similar to the one experienced by Cynthia Nixon, Cuomo's 2018 gubernatorial primary challenger. Nixon hasn't run for office since, but she hosted a fundraiser for Mamdani in March. 'Even if he loses, we'll now have an assemblymember who's dedicated to working with us, who has a huge profile and who can use his political clout to fight for DSA's priorities in Albany,' Mausser said. 'Cynthia Nixon is still a much sought endorser, and Zohran can find himself in a similar position as being something of a power broker for the progressive left.'
New York Post
4 days ago
- Politics
- New York Post
Faction of Democratic Socialists of America praises murder of 2 Israeli diplomats outside Washington, DC, Jewish museum
A fringe faction of the Democratic Socialists of America is praising the murder of two Israeli diplomats outside a Washington, DC, Jewish museum, and lionizing suspected killer Elias Rodriguez, according to posts on social media. The DSA Liberation Caucus, a self-identified Marxist-Lenist-Maoist caucus within the DSA, glorified Rodriguez in a social media post that appeared to be a direct call for more domestic terrorism. 'It is right to rebel against the enemy. This is Maoist law,' the post from the DSA Liberation Caucus read, featuring a black and white sketch of Rodriguez set in relief against a Palestinian flag stamped with the hammer and sickle. Advertisement Elias Rodriguez was charged in the murder of 2 Israeli diplomats. Gofundme The DSA — whose members include Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani — disavowed the fringe group's statement on Wednesday. 'Democratic Socialists of America seek to democratically transform our society and reject vigilante violence,' the post from the Bernie Sanders-aligned group. Rodriguez is detained after the shooting at the museum. Katie Kalisher via Storyful Advertisement 'We condemn the murder of Israeli embassy workers. Any statement otherwise is not the stance of DSA,' the short post concluded. Rodriguez, 31, allegedly shot and killed Yaron Lischnisky, 28, and Sarah Milgrim, 26, near the Capital Jewish Museum on May 21. Advertisement The alleged violent extremist shouted 'Free, free Palestine!,' as he was led away in cuffs. This is a breaking story. Please check back for updates.
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Progressive knives come out for Democrat behind Trump impeachment push
Progressive knives are out for Rep. Shri Thanedar (D), a Michigan lawmaker who has emerged as something of a lightning rod within his party as he braces for a potentially tough reelection fight. Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) last week became the first House Democrat this cycle to back a primary challenger to an incumbent when she threw her support behind Thanedar's progressive rival, arguing Thanedar has failed his constituents. Meanwhile, the second-term lawmaker has drawn criticism from moderates after his push to impeach President Trump, which received no oxygen from Democratic leadership. The developments signal a potentially explosive primary that could be one of the highest-profile intraparty clashes in next year's midterms. 'The question is can there be a clear alternative vs. a multiprimary field,' said former Michigan Rep. Mark Schauer (D), arguing that a more crowded field to split the anti-Thanedar vote may benefit him. Thanedar has undergone a political evolution during his relatively short amount of time serving in public office. After building a career as a businessman, he first entered politics when he ran for governor of Michigan in 2018, coming in third place with 18 percent of the vote but performing more strongly in the Detroit area. He was elected to the Michigan state House in 2020 and won an open seat representing Michigan's 13th Congressional District in the U.S. House two years later. He had sought to establish his reputation as a progressive, having run for governor on issues like advocating for a $15 minimum wage and single-payer health care. But critics have raised questions about Thanedar's progressive credentials for years. During his gubernatorial run, they pointed to issues like his donation to the late Sen. John McCain's (R-Ariz.) presidential campaign and allegations that he considered running as a Republican in 2018. Thanedar denied that he considered running as a Republican and said at the time that he only made the donation to attend an event and ask McCain a question. He's also faced criticism throughout his political career over the millions of dollars that he has lent his campaigns, leaning on his significant wealth to boost his candidacy. He became even more of a target after he renounced his membership in the Democratic Socialists of America in October 2023 over the group's promotion of a rally in New York City that Thanedar said was antisemitic. The rally was held just a day after Hamas's deadly Oct. 7 attack on Israel that killed 1,200 and saw hundreds taken as hostages. Thanedar maintained that his ideals hadn't changed at all and he still supported issues like universal health care, labor unions, environmental justice and equity for communities of color. He faced a progressive challenge last year from Detroit City Council member Mary Waters but won his primary by 20 points. But the effort to oust him this time has gotten a fresh boost thanks to Tlaib, who has thrown her support behind state Rep. Donavan McKinney (D). Former state Sen. Adam Hollier, who planned to run last year but didn't receive enough valid signatures to appear on the ballot, is also running. McKinney has sought to portray Thanedar as an out-of-touch multimillionaire, arguing in his campaign launch video that he has more in common with President Trump and Elon Musk than his constituents. McKinney told The Hill in a statement that he feels he can win the race despite last year's challenge failing because of the 'incredibly broad spectrum of support' he has rallied. He noted that Tlaib is the only other member of Congress representing Detroit, and she supports him because she needs a 'real partner in Washington to deliver for our communities at home.' He said he truly understands the issues facing constituents because he's experienced them himself, noting that he represents the poorest state House district in Michigan and had a single mother who worked multiple jobs. He also said he understands the impacts of environmental pollution as he has to regularly check his children's lead levels to ensure the water isn't poisoning them. 'From Detroit to Downriver and beyond, we've been left behind and forgotten by Washington for far too long,' McKinney said. 'And that's because you can't fight for our communities if you're an out-of-touch millionaire bought by corporate super PACs and billionaire-funded lobbies.' A spokesperson for Thanedar's campaign argued that the congressman remains 'highly popular' in the district, enjoying widespread grassroots support. 'While some in the establishment may support one of his opponents, voters resonate more with the Congressman because they know his story of struggle, overcoming poverty, and achieving his American Dream,' they said. 'Voters know that Congressman Thanedar is fighting for them every day in Congress, for things like education, workforce development, healthcare, housing, so they can achieve their American Dream.' Thanedar has often pointed to his own story of growing up poor, immigrating to the U.S. from India and becoming a successful businessman. The spokesperson said the primary, still 15 months away, is not at the top of anyone's mind and noted Thanedar hasn't lost an election in Detroit previously. 'The media making this about the primary, instead of focusing on the substance of Trump's crimes, is giving Trump a pass,' they said. Thanedar dropped his effort to force votes on impeaching Trump, at least temporarily, last week after his proposal received no support from other Democrats, particularly as it had almost no chance of succeeding in the GOP-controlled House. Democratic strategist Len Foxwell said the effort is a distraction from a focus on the economy as polls show voters dissatisfied with Trump's handling of it, and any time spent not discussing the economy is a 'missed opportunity.' Thanedar, who has argued that pushing for impeachment is the right thing to do, said his constituents are 'fully supportive' of his efforts. Strategists said the effort could be helpful for boosting support among the Democratic base, but Thanedar still could face his biggest challenge yet in his career. 'I think he's tremendously vulnerable with candidates that put together a strong race that is focused on the community,' said strategist Andrew Feldman, who's worked in Michigan. As a Democrat wanting change in Washington, Schauer said he would prefer the focus to be on competitive seats that Democrats could pick up next year, but the primary race still matters, particularly to the constituents of the 13th District. 'Every seat in Congress is important,' he said. 'We need Democrats that are going to be effective in office. So it's important, for sure.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
20-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Progressive knives come out for Democrat behind Trump impeachment push
Progressive knives are out for Rep. Shri Thanedar (D), a Michigan lawmaker who has emerged as something of a lightning rod within his party as he braces for a potentially tough reelection fight. Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) last week became the first House Democrat this cycle to back a primary challenger to an incumbent when she threw her support behind Thanedar's progressive rival, arguing Thanedar has failed his constituents. Meanwhile, the second-term lawmaker has drawn criticism from moderates after his push to impeach President Trump, which received no oxygen from Democratic leadership. The developments signal a potentially explosive primary that could be one of the highest-profile intraparty clashes in next year's midterms. 'The question is can there be a clear alternative vs. a multiprimary field,' said former Michigan Rep. Mark Schauer (D), arguing that a more crowded field to split the anti-Thanedar vote may benefit him. Thanedar has undergone a political evolution during his relatively short amount of time serving in public office. After building a career as a businessman, he first entered politics when he ran for governor of Michigan in 2018, coming in third place with 18 percent of the vote but performing more strongly in the Detroit area. He was elected to the Michigan state House in 2020 and won an open seat representing Michigan's 13th Congressional District in the U.S. House two years later. He had sought to establish his reputation as a progressive, having run for governor on issues like advocating for a $15 minimum wage and single-payer health care. But critics have raised questions about Thanedar's progressive credentials for years. During his gubernatorial run, they pointed to issues like his donation to the late Sen. John McCain's (R-Ariz.) presidential campaign and allegations that he considered running as a Republican in 2018. Thanedar denied that he considered running as a Republican and said at the time that he only made the donation to attend an event and ask McCain a question. He's also faced criticism throughout his political career over the millions of dollars that he has lent his campaigns, leaning on his significant wealth to boost his candidacy. He became even more of a target after he renounced his membership in the Democratic Socialists of America in October 2023 over the group's promotion of a rally in New York City that Thanedar said was antisemitic. The rally was held just a day after Hamas's deadly Oct. 7 attack on Israel that killed 1,200 and saw hundreds taken as hostages. Thanedar maintained that his ideals hadn't changed at all and he still supported issues like universal health care, labor unions, environmental justice and equity for communities of color. He faced a progressive challenge last year from Detroit City Council member Mary Waters but won his primary by 20 points. But the effort to oust him this time has gotten a fresh boost thanks to Tlaib, who has thrown her support behind state Rep. Donavan McKinney (D). Former state Sen. Adam Hollier, who planned to run last year but didn't receive enough valid signatures to appear on the ballot, is also running. McKinney has sought to portray Thanedar as an out-of-touch multimillionaire, arguing in his campaign launch video that he has more in common with President Trump and Elon Musk than his constituents. McKinney told The Hill in a statement that he feels he can win the race despite last year's challenge failing because of the 'incredibly broad spectrum of support' he has rallied. He noted that Tlaib is the only other member of Congress representing Detroit, and she supports him because she needs a 'real partner in Washington to deliver for our communities at home.' He said he truly understands the issues facing constituents because he's experienced them himself, noting that he represents the poorest state House district in Michigan and had a single mother who worked multiple jobs. He also said he understands the impacts of environmental pollution as he has to regularly check his children's lead levels to ensure the water isn't poisoning them. 'From Detroit to Downriver and beyond, we've been left behind and forgotten by Washington for far too long,' McKinney said. 'And that's because you can't fight for our communities if you're an out-of-touch millionaire bought by corporate super PACs and billionaire-funded lobbies.' A spokesperson for Thanedar's campaign argued that the congressman remains 'highly popular' in the district, enjoying widespread grassroots support. 'While some in the establishment may support one of his opponents, voters resonate more with the Congressman because they know his story of struggle, overcoming poverty, and achieving his American Dream,' they said. 'Voters know that Congressman Thanedar is fighting for them every day in Congress, for things like education, workforce development, healthcare, housing, so they can achieve their American Dream.' Thanedar has often pointed to his own story of growing up poor, immigrating to the U.S. from India and becoming a successful businessman. The spokesperson said the primary, still 15 months away, is not at the top of anyone's mind and noted Thanedar hasn't lost an election in Detroit previously. 'The media making this about the primary, instead of focusing on the substance of Trump's crimes, is giving Trump a pass,' they said. Thanedar dropped his effort to force votes on impeaching Trump, at least temporarily, last week after his proposal received no support from other Democrats, particularly as it had almost no chance of succeeding in the GOP-controlled House. Democratic strategist Len Foxwell said the effort is a distraction from a focus on the economy as polls show voters dissatisfied with Trump's handling of it, and any time spent not discussing the economy is a 'missed opportunity.' Thanedar, who has argued that pushing for impeachment is the right thing to do, said his constituents are 'fully supportive' of his efforts. Strategists said the effort could be helpful for boosting support among the Democratic base, but Thanedar still could face his biggest challenge yet in his career. 'I think he's tremendously vulnerable with candidates that put together a strong race that is focused on the community,' said strategist Andrew Feldman, who's worked in Michigan. As a Democrat wanting change in Washington, Schauer said he would prefer the focus to be on competitive seats that Democrats could pick up next year, but the primary race still matters, particularly to the constituents of the 13th District. 'Every seat in Congress is important,' he said. 'We need Democrats that are going to be effective in office. So it's important, for sure.'
