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Trump's cuts to contraception will kill ‘tens of thousands' of women
Trump's cuts to contraception will kill ‘tens of thousands' of women

The Independent

time03-05-2025

  • Health
  • The Independent

Trump's cuts to contraception will kill ‘tens of thousands' of women

More than 8,000 women and girls are believed to have died from complications during pregnancy or birth as a result of Donald Trump freezing US aid funding after returning to the White House, a toll which could become 34,000 by the end of the year, researchers have warned. Contraceptive services are among the programmes hit by billions of dollars of US aid cuts, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Some 4.2 million women and girls have become unintentionally pregnant since aid was cut on 20 January, according to calculations from the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive rights research group. Around 8,000 are estimated to have died because of cuts to care. 'With each passing day, an additional 130,390 women and girls, according to our estimates, continue to be denied contraceptive care and thus put at risk for poor health outcomes and even death,' said Jonathan Wittenberg, Guttmacher's CEO. This comes as The Independent reveals US cuts have derailed the projected end of the Aids pandemic, which could lead to four million extra deaths by 2030. Trump's 90-day freeze had an initial deadline of 20 April, but the review of US aid spending has been extended by at least another month. If nothing changes, by the end of 2025 this will amount to almost 50 million people being denied access to contraception and advice, leading to a potential 34,000 extra women and girls dying preventable deaths, according to the Guttmacher Institute. This research, 'clearly shows that these cuts will cost lives and already are,' Mr Wittenberg said, representing, 'an unprecedented abandonment of American leadership on the world stage'. 'What started as a 90-day funding freeze has now become a permanent state of affairs', he added, with US support for global family-planning services having already been all but cancelled. The figures from the Guttmacher Institute are estimates – it will take a while for the 'real on-the-ground" impacts to become clear, Mr Wittenberg. But he believes the true toll is likely to be higher, since the calculations only took into account cuts to contraception services. Maternal and newborn health services have also faced cuts. The countries previously receiving more US support, such as Tanzania and Malawi, are likely to be harder hit. Billions of dollars in funding for HIV, maternal and child health and family-planning services have been frozen. More than $2 billion has been lost in HIV funding to just 18 countries, according to reproductive justice goup Ipas. In Malawi more than half of doctor and midwife roles stand vacant, according to Ipas, while in Kenya roughly 55,000 jobs in the health sector have disappeared. This reveals the 'very real, tangible impacts' of the cuts, said Ipas president Dr Anu Kumar, leading to delays for patients and burnout for remaining staff. Historically, the US has both led the world when it comes to family-planning funding, and put in place stringent rules to stop its aid dollars being spent on abortion services or advocacy. Since the mid-1980s, every Republican president has introduced the so-called 'global gag rule' preventing groups receiving US aid for family planning from providing legal abortion care. Trump reinstated it in his first week as president. Dr Kumar says that if she was searching for one 'silver lining' from the cuts, it is that without US funding, some programmes might find themselves freed from the restraints of the 'global gag rule' and that could present 'the opportunity to reimagine global health, including support for sexual and reproductive health and rights'. But if a proposed expansion of the gag to humanitarian aid is passed, it could put pressure on national governments to move in the other direction.

Virtual Abortion Care Is a Lifeline, Not a Safety Net
Virtual Abortion Care Is a Lifeline, Not a Safety Net

Time​ Magazine

time01-05-2025

  • Health
  • Time​ Magazine

Virtual Abortion Care Is a Lifeline, Not a Safety Net

New data from the Guttmacher Institute shows that more people are turning to virtual abortion care—and while that tidbit might sound like a silver lining in our post- Roe world, it can be dangerously misleading if we're not careful. Telehealth is, without a doubt, an essential tool. My organization was one of the first abortion providers in the country to offer telemedicine back in 2009. And since the FDA allowed abortion pills to be delivered by mail in 2021, we have worked tirelessly to expand our virtual abortion care into 10 states to reach as many patients as possible. But let's be clear: virtual care alone isn't a silver bullet. And it's not a stand-in for truly accessible care. The best abortion care is about the both/and, eschewing the tyranny of either/or. True access looks like real options for abortion seekers, whether that's in our clinic or the comfort of their own space. We need both. After all, abortions after 12 weeks are provided in clinics, so focusing only on pills and telemedicine neglects patients who are further into their pregnancies or who require a larger range of pain-management options. The increase in online-only abortion provision speaks to the critical role that virtual providers play in a time of escalating bans and shrinking access. Where it's available, telehealth can lower barriers by reducing travel time, cutting costs, and lessening the stigma people can feel when pushing through protesters to seek abortion care in person. But this is only part of the story. The reality is, the Guttmacher numbers showed the majority of abortions last year still took place in brick-and-mortar clinics. That's a crucial detail because despite the headlines and hope around telemedicine, most people still rely on in-person care. And for those living in the 16 states with total or near-total abortion bans, virtual care isn't always attainable, as they still need to leave the state entirely. Accessing virtual abortion care also isn't as simple as clicking a link. You need a device, an internet connection, a credit card, and—critically—a safe place to receive the pills. For someone experiencing domestic violence, housing insecurity, or financial instability, those requirements can be just as insurmountable as making it to a clinic. Every day, our in-clinic clinicians and virtual-care providers work closely with patients navigating an increasingly fractured and costly system. And too often, those hit hardest are Black and Latina women, young people, and people working hourly-wage jobs without paid leave. Based on Guttmacher data and our own patients' experience, we see a clear preference for in-person care among our patients of color, while our virtual care skews more white and Asian. That alone should challenge assumptions that telemedicine is an option for everyone. Fewer and fewer travelers can afford to make it to abortion care in other states. More are having to delay care, or forgo it entirely. And yet none of the recent reporting on abortion access, including the Guttmacher data and the viral New York Times maps, has factored in the impact of funding. For example, immediately after the Dobbs decision overturning Roe, The Abortion Access Fund (TAF) operated by Resources for Abortion Delivery (RAD) stepped in to cover the full cost of abortion care for people traveling from ban states to access points like Illinois, Colorado, Florida, North Carolina, and New Mexico. Support like that was a game changer. It provided no-cost procedures and freed up grassroots and local abortion funds to focus on covering travel, lodging, and other practical support. But that support ended in September 2024, and this followed large cuts from the National Abortion Federation Justice Fund that went from funding our patients in poverty at 50% down to 30% in July of the same year. The effects of these cuts have been immediate. While existing abortion funds still do incredible work, they're under immense strain. And without that extra layer of funding, far fewer patients can travel or get the full scope of care they need. For many, the question of whether they can access abortion at all—let alone where or how—now comes down to what they can afford. We simply cannot ignore how the economic landscape has shifted with the devastating loss of that additional support. Let's not forget: people should be able to use their insurance or Medicaid to pay for abortion care, not solely rely on donations or emergency grants. Donation dollars should not be used for care that Medicaid and insurance could easily cover. It's why we navigate the sticky red tape to accept insurance and Medicaid for patients in as many states as possible, but ultimately, reimbursement systems are patchy, and far too many people live in places where public or private coverage can't be used for abortion care at all. As independent abortion providers, we are doing everything we can. We have dedicated staff whose only job is to help patients access every dollar of funding available. On any given day, we're coordinating between $5,000 and $10,000 in financial support for our patients. That's six days a week, 52 weeks a year. But with national abortion funds unable to provide as much money and local grassroots funds stretched to their limits, it's just never enough. When people talk about telemedicine as the solution, they often overlook these financial realities. They also underestimate the practical support required to make access real. Even if funding were magically available to cover 100% of a patient's abortion procedure, that means little if they can't afford a tank of gas to leave their state, find a hotel room, or arrange childcare for their kids back home. These are the underfunded infrastructures we urgently need. To build a future where abortion is truly accessible, we must prioritize economic justice, invest in the infrastructure that supports patients on the move, and center the people most impacted by bans and barriers. That means investing in in-clinic care and virtual care. It means Medicaid and mutual aid. Anything less risks reinforcing the very inequities we're trying to dismantle.

Virginia sees spike in abortions due to influx of out-of-state patients
Virginia sees spike in abortions due to influx of out-of-state patients

Yahoo

time24-04-2025

  • Health
  • Yahoo

Virginia sees spike in abortions due to influx of out-of-state patients

Virginia was among the states that saw a substantial increase last year in the number of abortions provided. That's according to a new report from the Guttmacher Institute, a research organization that advocates for access to reproductive care including abortion. The increase is likely due to an influx in patients from states with new or more restrictive abortion bans. Virginia saw 5,500 more clinician-provided abortions in 2024 than the year before, a 16% increase. That's an outlier compared to the national trend, where there was just a 0.4% increase in states without total bans. 'There was an 86% increase in the number of patients traveling from out of state to Virginia for abortion care between 2023 and 2024, and we think that the Florida ban is likely playing a big role here,' said Guttmacher senior research associate Isabel DoCampo . Most states without total abortion bans saw small changes to the number of abortions performed between 2023 and 2024. Arizona, California, Kansas, Ohio and Virginia, states that did not change their abortion legislation in the past two years, saw substantial increases. Virginia saw the most significant increase, outpaced nationwide only by Wisconsin, which restored abortion services in the latter half of 2023. Whooping cough cases are rising again in the US, challenging public health departments Worries about flying seem to be taking off. Here's how to cope with in-flight anxiety Measles misinformation is on the rise — and Americans are hearing it, survey finds States that enshrined Medicaid expansion in their constitutions could be in a bind What is listeria? Things to know about the bacteria and how to prevent infection. Virginia is the last state in the Southeast without a ban on abortions after six or 12 weeks of pregnancy — Florida, which previously allowed abortions up to 15 weeks, enacted a six-week ban that took effect May 1, 2024. 'Virginia is the second-closest state for Florida patients to access abortion, and it's the closest place without a waiting period to access abortion,' DoCampo said. 'It's also likely that people in the Southeast who would have traveled for care to Florida are now going to Virginia instead.' That maps with findings from the Virginia League for Planned Parenthood, which operates clinics in Virginia Beach, Hampton and Richmond. 'Before the Dobbs decision in 2022, the amount of out-of-state patients was 2 to 3% of our entire patient population,' said Planned Parenthood spokesperson Rae Pickett, referencing the Supreme Court decision that stripped away the nation's constitutional protections for abortion . 'After the Dobbs decision, that increased very quickly to 15%. So that was a very large jump. Then, after the six-week abortion ban went into effect in Florida, our numbers went from 15 to 25 to 30% and have stayed there for that period of time.' Virginia permits abortions during the first and second trimester, or during the third trimester if three physicians agree the pregnancy will lead to the woman's death or substantially harm her health. VLPP increased same-day and telehealth appointment availability in anticipation of the Florida, as well as the use of patient navigators, who help patients coordinate travel. The Planned Parenthood affiliate operates a virtual clinic via telehealth, but people seeking an abortion pill for up to 11 weeks after their last period must be physically located in Virginia at the time of their appointment, and the medication is mailed to a Virginia address. 'I think the Virginia case shows us that an abortion ban in one place has a dramatic impact on the abortion care infrastructure in other parts of the country,' DoCampo said. The Virginia Society for Human Life, an anti-abortion advocacy group, described the report as tragic. 'The new numbers suggest a deeply alarming trend,' said Olivia Gans Turner, president of VSHL, in a statement. Virginia's constitution does not expressly prohibit or protect abortion. That could change: the General Assembly voted this session along party lines to advance a constitutional amendment that would enshrine a right to abortion in the state constitution. If the legislature passes that same resolution next year, the amendment will appear on the ballot for public referendum in 2026. The state constitutional amendment process excludes input from the governor, but both the Republican and Democrat candidates for governor have taken positions on the issue. Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle Sears, the Republican nominee, spoke at Virginia's March for Life earlier this month. 'All those who are for abortion are already born,' she said. 'We stand for life, and how can it ever be wrong to stand for life?' Former U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger previously voted in Congress in favor of codifying the abortion protections offered in Roe v. Wade. 'Virginia is the last bastion in the South when it comes to protecting reproductive freedom — and the consequences of this reality on women and families are clear,' she said in a statement. 'In the aftermath of the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade, families across the Commonwealth continue to worry that extreme politicians and judges will rip away their right to privacy, jeopardize their safety, and leave their families without access to medical care.' Kate Seltzer, (757)713-7881

Abortions increased in Ohio but legal battle continues
Abortions increased in Ohio but legal battle continues

Axios

time21-04-2025

  • Health
  • Axios

Abortions increased in Ohio but legal battle continues

The number of clinician-provided abortions in Ohio increased 13% in 2024, per a new report from the Guttmacher Institute. Why it matters: The increase shows the impact from the amendment enshrining abortion rights in the state constitution in November 2023. Yet the battle of Ohio abortion rights continues. By the numbers: Ohio clinicians performed close to 30,000 abortions last year, per estimates by Guttmacher, nearly 3,500 more than in 2023. That includes 4,010 abortions performed on people who travel from out of state compared to 3,120 in 2023. Catch up quick: The U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in June 2022, effectively ending all federal protections on abortion. That September, an Ohio court blocked a six-week abortion ban known as the "heartbeat bill" enacted after Roe v. Wade was overturned. State of abortion: Ohioans voted a year later for the constitutional amendment that guarantees a right to an abortion. The state constitution now allows abortions up to fetal viability, which is defined as "the point in a pregnancy when, in the professional judgment of the pregnant patient's treating physician, the fetus has a significant likelihood of survival outside the uterus with reasonable measures. This is determined on a case-by-case basis." Yes, but: Organizations like the American Civil Liberties Union and Planned Parenthood have still had to challenge restrictions in the Ohio Revised Code, including a 24-hour waiting period for abortion services as well as a ban on telehealth medication abortion services. Judges have since issued preliminary injunctions suspending several of those restrictions. The other side: Last November, Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost filed an appeal of a Hamilton County judge's decision a month earlier to strike down the " heartbeat bill." "The state respects the will of the people regarding the six-week abortion ban, but the state is also obligated to protect provisions in (the bill), as passed by the General Assembly and signed by the governor, that the constitutional amendment does not address," Yost's office said in a statement.

Virginia sees nation's largest spike in abortions
Virginia sees nation's largest spike in abortions

Axios

time21-04-2025

  • Health
  • Axios

Virginia sees nation's largest spike in abortions

Virginia had the greatest increase in clinician-provided abortions nationwide last year, according to a new analysis. Why it matters: It's the latest data to show just how much the limited abortion access in the South has impacted the only Southern state without a post-Roe abortion ban or waiting period. By the numbers: The number of clinician-provided abortions in Virginia jumped from about 33,400 in 2023 to nearly 39,000 last year, per data compiled by Guttmacher, a research group that supports reproductive rights. That's the biggest spike of any state in the country. The data shows Virginia also had the largest percentage point increase of out-of-state abortion patients: About 15% in 2023 to nearly 25% last year. Between July and December of last year, the number was nearly 30%. State of play: Since Roe was overturned, Virginia's abortion rate has consistently gone up due to being one of the few access points for people in nearby states with strict bans. And Florida's six-week ban, which went into effect last May, likely resulted in Virginia absorbing patients from the Sunshine State, per Guttmacher. Virginia's abortion providers had been bracing for more out-of-state patients ahead of that ban by beefing up staff statewide. But many also said they don't have the capacity to meet the demand. Between the lines: While abortion is legal in Virginia, the right to one is not enshrined in the constitution.

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