Latest news with #Gyanendra
India Gazette
14-07-2025
- India Gazette
Uttar Pradesh: Two dead, one injured after roof collapse at under construction house in Kannauj
Kannauj (Uttar Pradesh) [India], July 14 (ANI): Two labourers lost their lives and another was injured after the roof of an under-construction house collapsed in the Kotwali police station area of Kannauj, Uttar Pradesh police said. According to Circle Officer (CO) Sadar Kannauj, Abhishek Pratap, the house was undergoing renovation when the incident occurred on Sunday. The deceased have been identified as Shyamjeet and Gyanendra. A third labourer, Tillu, sustained injuries and was rushed to the hospital for treatment. 'On July 13 in the evening, we received information that a house in the Kotwali Police Station area was being renovated. The roof of the under-construction house collapsed. Two labourers identified as Shyamjeet and Gyanendra died in the incident, and one injured labourer, identified as Tillu, was taken to the hospital,' CO Pratap said in a video statement. 'Legal proceedings in the matter are underway,' he added. In another incident, the Uttar Pradesh Police on Sunday arrested a man in Varanasi for allegedly posing as an Army officer and duping over 25 women by creating fake matrimonial profiles. The accused defrauded these women of Rs 40 lakh and had been cheating them for the past six years, according to Deputy Commissioner of Police (Crime) Saravanan Thangamani. The accused, Dayali Uppal, is a resident of the NTPC Police Station, District Pedapalli, Telangana.'Today in Thana, Chitaipur Commissionerate Varanasi, we arrested one suspected person named Dayali Upaliya, who is a resident of NTPC police station, District Pedapalli, Telangana. We found out that he had cheated almost 25 plus women by creating fake matrimonial profiles and has defrauded these women to the tune of Rs 40 lakhs so far, and he has been doing it for the last six years,' Thangamani told ANI. 'We recovered army uniforms from him. He also has in his custody fake name plates in the names of Major Amit and Major Joseph. In addition to this, we also obtained a few fake ID cards from central police organisations, including the National Investigation Agency, the Territorial Army, and the Jammu & Kashmir Police,' he further said. The police also recovered printing papers that are used for creating these fake ID cards. (ANI)
Scroll.in
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
What India's Hindutva ecosystem gets wrong in its fantasy of restoring Nepal's monarchy
The rising calls over the past few months for Nepal to restore its monarchy has caught the attention of many in India, especially within the Sangh ecosystem. Hindutva hardliners such as Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath have enthusiastically promoted the idea that if Nepal were to revert to being a Hindu kingdom, a structure it abolished in 2008, it would be a beacon of stability – and have a natural cultural affinity for its giant neighbour. This narrative, often spun with little grounding in Nepal's complex history or present realities, suggests that a restored monarchy would serve as a reliable ally for India against China and a stabilising force amidst Kathmandu's political chaos: since the restoration of democracy in 2008, there have been 15 distinct prime ministerial terms in a span of less than 17 years. Yet this simplistic vision borders on fantasy and reflects the Bharatiya Janata Party's romanticisation of authoritarianism and majoritarian symbols, though these are at odds with India's own democratic and pluralistic values. Historically, Nepal's monarchy was never the straightforward ally many in the BJP claim it to be. In 1950, King Tribhuvan Shah fled to India to escape the oligarchy of the Ranas, who had served as hereditary prime ministers, with the Shah rulers merely being figureheads. Jawaharlal Nehru's government helped facilitate Tribhuvan's return. It supported the establishment of constitutional monarchy and the end of the Ranas' 103-year regime. This moment was foundational for modern Nepali democracy and symbolised India's active support for representative governance in the Himalayan region. However, King Mahendra's 1960 royal coup dismissed the elected cabinet and crushed Nepal's fledgling democracy. He dismissed pro-India politicians, and realigned Nepal's foreign policy closer to China – actions that sowed long-term distrust toward India. Between 2005-'08, the power grab by Mahendra's son, Gyanendra, plunged Nepal into further instability. It accelerated the country's tilt toward Beijing, even as Gyanendera railed against Indian 'interference' in the kingdom's affairs. These kings reinforced Hindu nationalism not to strengthen ties with India, but to consolidate internal control and assert Nepal's sovereignty in ways that often ran counter to Indian interests. If Gyanendra were to return as an absolute ruler, he might tighten control through repression, exacerbating political instability and alienating both democratic forces and India. If he were reinstated as a constitutional monarch, his past record suggests he would resist ceding real power. His fraught relationship with India during his reign raises questions about whether a restored monarchy under his influence would truly align with New Delhi's strategic interests. Importantly, Nepal's monarchs have historically been treated as divine figures – incarnations of Vishnu – whose decrees were to be obeyed without question. This lends the institution a theocratic aura that undermines democratic scrutiny and public accountability. By contrast, Nepal's elected communist leaders – while not without their nationalist posturing – have generally exhibited a pragmatic streak in their dealings with India. Leaders such as KP Sharma Oli and Prachanda (Pushpa Kamal Dahal), despite fiery rhetoric during border disputes or political crises, have kept channels open for economic cooperation, hydropower projects, and transit agreements. Their elected mandates compel them to maintain at least a working relationship with India, since Nepal's economy remains deeply integrated with its southern neighbour. Among other democratic actors, more moderate figures such as Sher Bahadur Deuba have shown greater amenability to Indian influence, emphasising stability and development over confrontational nationalism. That said, parties such as the Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) have at times also echoed the call for a Hindu state, even as they oppose monarchical revival. The Congress Mahasamiti has formally endorsed the idea of a Hindu state, highlighting the complex overlap between religious and political identities in Nepal. This complexity invites a deeper question: are today's royalist demonstrations more about restoring monarchy or about reinstating Nepal as a Hindu state? The two ideas are often conflated, but not all who support one necessarily support the other. Many secular politicians across party lines are sympathetic to cultural Hinduism but wary of authoritarian centralisation under a monarch. The distinction is crucial, as it suggests possible scenarios where Nepal reverts to a Hindu identity without abandoning democratic structures. This is where Nepali Hindu nationalism and Indian Hindutva are at fundamental conceptual odds: opposition to the BJP does not go hand in hand with also wanting a Hindu state, something that does not translate well in Kathmandu. The fervour of monarchist supporters is often fuelled by a potent mix of frustration with democratic stagnation and anxieties over religious and demographic change. Some claim that the population of Christians and Muslims is rising disproportionately. One major driver is disillusionment with federalism itself. A popular phrase captures this sentiment: 'Earlier we had one king, now we have 761' – a reference to the number of governments at the various levels, from village council to federal. This reflects a widespread belief that federalism has created layers of political inefficiency and corruption, without delivering real benefits. Public trust in federal structures has been further eroded by elite capture, bureaucratic inertia and poor service delivery at the local level. The symbolism of one unified authority – the king – is nostalgically contrasted with a fragmented political system seen as unstable and ineffective. Meanwhile, narratives around Christianisation and Muslim immigration are often exaggerated. According to the 2011 census, Hindus constituted roughly 81% of the population, Buddhists about 9%, Muslims 4.4% and Christians 1.4%. Updated estimates suggest Christians may now represent around 4%, with growth largely in urban and hill regions. The increase is notable but still far from a major demographic shift. While incidents of communal violence have occurred in some border areas, the situation has been contained. There is no evidence of a mass influx of Muslim refugees from India's North East. These claims – largely circulated in Indian Hindutva circles – lack support in Nepal. The demographic fear-mongering seems more rooted in ideological agendas than in reality. This paranoia aligns closely with the Sangh ecosystem's broader Hindu nationalist agenda, which often weaponises anxieties about religious minorities to mobilise support. Such ideological exports from India do little to stabilise Nepal's internal tensions and risk aggravating already delicate balances. Nepal's democratic experiment since the end of the Maoist civil war in 2006 has faced severe challenges. Economic growth has been uneven and insufficient to meet rising aspirations. The World Bank reports that GDP growth averaged around 4% annually from 2008 to 2022 – well below the South Asian average of 6%-6.4%, especially given Nepal's already low base. Structural problems like poor infrastructure, overreliance on remittances (nearly 30% of GDP), and limited industrialisation have hampered sustained development. Outmigration has soared: over four million Nepalis (roughly 13% of the population) now work abroad. Youth unemployment exceeds 30%, particularly in rural districts that were once Maoist strongholds. Political instability compounds these economic woes. No elected government has completed a full term since the monarchy was abolished in 2008. Frequent reshuffles, coalition breakdowns, and party infighting have eroded faith in the system. Some recent pro-monarchy protests have turned violent, targeting private property and key government buildings. They reflect deep disillusionment, but not yet a decisive popular shift toward monarchy. India's relationship with Nepal is complicated. The countries have open borders, which allow their citizens to travel and work freely in each place. But India's image in Nepal is shaped by grievances both real and imagined. On one hand, India has taken actions that have deeply affected Nepali society and politics. Two undeclared blockades by India stopping goods entering the land-locked country – in 1989 and again in 2015 – caused widespread hardship and are etched in public memory. These episodes, coupled with allegations that India maintains deep political influence through Nepal's party elites and intelligence agencies, reinforce perceptions of Indian overreach. Nepal's landlocked geography compounds this sense of vulnerability, as trade routes, fuel access, and transit infrastructure remain subject to India's cooperation – or its withholding. On the other hand, some anti-India sentiment is driven by persistent, though unfounded, conspiracy theories, most notably, claims linking India to the 2001 royal massacre. These theories lack credible evidence and contradict basic logic. India, a Hindu-majority nation battling its own Maoist insurgency at the time, could have had no reason to orchestrate the murder of a Hindu royal family to usher Nepal's Maoists into power. Yet the narrative persists, often amplified by nationalist or monarchist factions seeking to deflect blame or exploit public emotion. The traction they get reflects deeper anxieties – about sovereignty, inequality in bilateral ties and a legacy of structural asymmetry. In this context, India is both an assertive actor and a symbolic scapegoat, viewed through a lens shaped by both history and myth. For India, the stakes are high. A stable, democratic, and pluralistic Nepal remains the most desirable outcome. But the BJP's romanticisation of monarchy risks undermining that goal. Such leaders are not necessarily ignorant of Nepal's reality; rather, they may be cynically exploiting the monarchy narrative for domestic gain. The appeal of being seen as defenders of Hindu civilisation resonates with their core voters, even at the cost of diplomatic prudence. The geopolitical stakes for India in Nepal are amplified both by China's assertive engagement and by Pakistan's covert operations. China's influence in Nepal has grown steadily over the past decade through strategic investments in infrastructure under the Belt and Road Initiative, increased diplomatic outreach, and soft power efforts that include media partnerships and cultural diplomacy. Beijing has positioned itself as a 'non-interfering partner', which plays well with Nepali nationalist narratives – especially when contrasted with perceptions of Indian hegemony. Chinese-funded projects such as highways, hydropower stations, and digital connectivity initiatives have deepened Kathmandu's economic dependence on Beijing. In recent years, there has been rising concern in New Delhi about the Chinese army's quiet but steady engagement with Nepal's security establishment. Meanwhile, Pakistan's use of Nepal as a staging ground for anti-India jihadist activity presents a direct national security threat. Indian intelligence agencies have long warned of networks backed by Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence outfit operating through Kathmandu to smuggle arms, move operatives, and plan attacks inside India. The porous open border between India and Nepal, though historically a symbol of close ties, also creates vulnerabilities that hostile actors have exploited. In this strategic context, any political vacuum or instability in Nepal could become a doorway for adversarial infiltration – via economic capture, ideological influence or covert operations. India must prepare for various trajectories: a strengthened democracy, a weakened federal system or a symbolic monarchical revival. Regardless, it should prioritise economic cooperation, institutional reform, and pluralism. Pragmatic diplomacy and visible development will do more to stabilise Nepal than ideological alignment. India has already delivered substantial, on-the-ground projects, such as constructing high-capacity cross-border transmission lines and supporting major hydropower developments. India has enabled Nepal's first-ever power exports – to Bangladesh and Bihar – by integrating it into its electricity grid. Rail links such as Jaynagar-Bardibas and Jogbani–Biratnagar have been completed, with work progressing on the Raxaul–Kathmandu corridor. India has also invested in schools, health posts, cultural restoration, and rural housing across all seven provinces. These visible benefits – electricity, mobility, education, trade access, and jobs – not only improve lives but also physically integrate Nepal into a regional ecosystem that promotes mutual resilience and trust. India's unique position – as both a powerful neighbour and the world's only other Hindu-majority nation – gives it enormous soft-power leverage. But this must be exercised with sensitivity and consistency. Betting on a crown over a constitution is not a sound strategy. One unresolved question lingers: do Nepal's royalist supporters seek both monarchy and a Hindu state? The answer may determine the future direction of Nepali nationalism – and how India responds to it. A clear understanding of this dual demand will help India engage more with both Nepali state and society to effectively promote stability, respect sovereignty and build lasting ties with its Himalayan neighbour.
India Gazette
10-07-2025
- General
- India Gazette
IAF trainer aircraft that crashed in Churu had technical fault, says brother of deceased pilot
Rohtak (Haryana) [India], July 10 (ANI): A day after the Indian Air Force's Jaguar trainer aircraft crashed in Rajasthan's Churu claiming two pilots, Gyanendra, elder brother of deceased Squadron Leader Lokender Singh Sindhu said that as per the information, there was a technifcal fault with the craft as a result of which, it started crashing over a densely populated area. The elder brother of the deceased pilot said, 'He made the highest sacrifice that a soldier can make for his country. He died while serving his country. He died while saving civilians. My family and I are very proud of him. He is survived by his wife, a one-month-old son, his sister, mother, father, and (paternal) grandparents. His last leave was on 30 June. We had a family function that day to celebrate the birth of his son. He rejoined work on 1 July. We talked on text three hours before the accident and on a video call the night before.' 'As per the information we got, there was a technical fault with the aircraft because of which it started crashing over a densely populated area. They managed to fly away from that area, but in the process, their aircraft got very close to the ground. In a Jaguar Trainer, if you go below 500 feet, then you cannot eject. That's why the copilots could not eject from the plane,' he further said. Cousin of the second deceased, Flight Lt Rishi Raj Singh, said, 'The news was very shocking for our family. We had never seen his father cry before. Rishi was very young. His career had just begun. He was selected in the NDA in his first attempt. He was very bright. He had a good nature and was a great brother.' Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Wednesday expressed sorrow over the death of two pilots who were onboard the Indian Air Force Jaguar fighter aircraft that crashed near Churu. In a post on X, Singh said that their service to the nation will always be remembered. 'Deeply pained by the loss of two Air Warriors due to an accident of IAF's Jaguar trainer aircraft near Churu in Rajasthan. Their service to the nation will always be remembered. My thoughts are with the bereaved families in this hour of sadness,' the Defence Minister said. A twin-seater trainer version of the Jaguar fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force crashed on Wednesday near Churu district of Rajasthan, resulting in the death of two pilots onboard. The Indian Air Force posted on its official handle on X about the casualties in the accident. IAF further said that no damage has been caused to any civil property, and a court of inquiry has been constituted to ascertain the cause of the accident. 'An IAF Jaguar Trainer aircraft met with an accident during a routine training mission and crashed near Churu in Rajasthan today. Both pilots sustained fatal injuries in the accident. No damage to any civil property has been reported. IAF deeply regrets the loss of lives and stands firmly with the bereaved families in this time of grief. A court of inquiry has been constituted to ascertain the cause of the accident,' the Indian Air Force posted. (ANI)
India.com
10-07-2025
- General
- India.com
IAF trainer crash: Aircraft had 'technical fault', claims brother of deceased IAF pilot
An IAF Jaguar Trainer aircraft crashed during a routine training mission near Churu, on Wednesday. Both pilots sustained fatal injuries in the accident. IAF Jet Crash: A day after the Indian Air Force's Jaguar trainer aircraft crashed in Rajasthan's Churu claiming two pilots, Gyanendra, elder brother of deceased Squadron Leader Lokender Singh Sindhu said that as per the information, there was a technical fault with the craft as a result of which, it started crashing over a densely populated area. The elder brother of the deceased pilot said, 'He made the highest sacrifice that a soldier can make for his country. He died while serving his country. He died while saving civilians. My family and I are very proud of him. He is survived by his wife, a one-month-old son, his sister, mother, father, and (paternal) grandparents. His last leave was on 30 June. We had a family function that day to celebrate the birth of his son. He rejoined work on 1 July. We talked on text three hours before the accident and on a video call the night before.' 'As per the information we got, there was a technical fault with the aircraft because of which it started crashing over a densely populated area. They managed to fly away from that area, but in the process, their aircraft got very close to the ground. In a Jaguar Trainer, if you go below 500 feet, then you cannot eject. That's why the copilots could not eject from the plane,' he further said. Cousin of the second deceased, Flight Lt Rishi Raj Singh, said, 'The news was very shocking for our family. We had never seen his father cry before. Rishi was very young. His career had just begun. He was selected in the NDA in his first attempt. He was very bright. He had a good nature and was a great brother.' Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Wednesday expressed sorrow over the death of two pilots who were onboard the Indian Air Force Jaguar fighter aircraft that crashed near Churu. In a post on X, Singh said that their service to the nation will always be remembered. 'Deeply pained by the loss of two Air Warriors due to an accident of IAF's Jaguar trainer aircraft near Churu in Rajasthan. Their service to the nation will always be remembered. My thoughts are with the bereaved families in this hour of sadness,' the Defence Minister said. A twin-seater trainer version of the Jaguar fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force crashed on Wednesday near Churu district of Rajasthan, resulting in the death of two pilots onboard. The Indian Air Force posted on its official handle on X about the casualties in the accident. IAF further said that no damage has been caused to any civil property, and a court of inquiry has been constituted to ascertain the cause of the accident. 'An IAF Jaguar Trainer aircraft met with an accident during a routine training mission and crashed near Churu in Rajasthan today. Both pilots sustained fatal injuries in the accident. No damage to any civil property has been reported. IAF deeply regrets the loss of lives and stands firmly with the bereaved families in this time of grief. A court of inquiry has been constituted to ascertain the cause of the accident,' the Indian Air Force posted. (Only the headline has been reworked by staff. Copy comes from an agency feed)
San Francisco Chronicle
07-07-2025
- Politics
- San Francisco Chronicle
Hundreds greet Nepal's ex-king on his birthday as support for the ousted monarch grows
KATHMANDU, Nepal (AP) — Hundreds of supporters of Nepal's former king lined up outside his residence to greet him on his 74th birthday Monday as support for the ousted monarch grows in the Himalayan nation. Gyanendra Shah, who makes very few public appearances, allowed his supporters inside his house for three hours. Supporters lined up outside with flower garlands, bouquets, cards, gifts and various food items which are traditionally offered during special occasions in Nepalese culture. 'Bring king back to the throne and save the country. We love our king more than our lives,' chanted the loyalists, many wearing traditional attire. Nepal abolished the monarchy and turned the nation into a republic in 2008, bringing in a president as the head of the state. There has been growing demand in recent months for Shah to be reinstated as king and Hinduism to be brought back as a state religion. Royalist groups accuse the country's major political parties of corruption and failed governance and say people are frustrated with politicians. 'People were looking for change and they removed the king hoping that it would be beneficial for the country, but that was very untrue and the political parties repeatedly betrayed people's trust,' said retired worker Kula Prasad Bhattarai, who stood in line for hours outside the king's residence. 'The politicians have damaged our nation," said Divesh Singh Hamal, another supporter. "We need to bring the king back or else our country will be finished.' Gyanendra was a constitutional head of state without executive or political powers until 2005, when he seized absolute power. He disbanded the government and parliament, jailed politicians and journalists and cut off communications, declaring a state of emergency and using the army to rule the country. Support for the ousted monarch has risen in recent months. Tens of thousands of protesters demanding the restoration of the monarchy and the former king be made head of state demonstrated in May. In March, at least two people died when another rally turned violent as supporters of the ex-king clashed with riot police. Gyanendra, who left the royal palace to live as a commoner, has not commented on the calls for the restoration of the monarchy. Despite growing support, the former king has little chance of immediately returning to power.
