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Business Standard
5 days ago
- Politics
- Business Standard
Legacy of U-turns: Timeline of Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts over a decade
With Bihar elections due in late 2025, speculation mounts over whether the state's longest-serving chief minister, Nitish Kumar, will stay the course with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or rewrite political equations yet again. Once hailed as a governance reformer and now equally known for his alliance U-turns, Kumar has, over three decades, shaped—and reshaped—Bihar's politics through a string of strategic shifts between the NDA, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD-led alliances. The man once hailed as 'Sushasan Babu' is now equally known for his alliance acrobatics. From 1994 to 2025, Nitish has rewritten coalition logic in Bihar—and, at times, reshaped national politics. Here's a look back at the flipbook of flips that defined his career—and what it could mean for Bihar in 2025. Why it matters Nitish Kumar's frequent alliance shifts aren't just a Bihar story—they've disrupted national opposition strategies, unsettled BJP-Congress dynamics, and altered the arithmetic of anti-BJP coalitions. In Bihar, each realignment resets governance priorities and voter trust. To some, Kumar is a master strategist navigating fractured mandates; to others, an opportunist looking to seize power at every turn. Either way, his next move could once again reshape both state and national politics. Who is Nitish Kumar? Born in 1951 in Bakhtiyarpur near Patna, Nitish Kumar entered politics during the JP Movement of the 1970s. A qualified electrical engineer, he was first elected to the Bihar Assembly in 1985 and soon rose to national prominence. By the 1990s, he was a central figure in the post-Mandal political order, aligning with George Fernandes to form the Samata Party—a precursor to today's Janata Dal (United), or JD(U). A career of realignments Nitish Kumar's first brush with power came through his association with Lalu Prasad Yadav during the JP Movement in the 1970s. Their partnership, forged in student politics, brought Yadav to power in 1990 with Kumar's backing. But in 1994, the alliance fractured. Citing concerns over Lalu's growing control of the Janata Dal, Kumar and George Fernandes formed the Samata Party, marking the beginning of Kumar's independent political journey. By 2000, Kumar aligned with the BJP, briefly becoming chief minister. Though that government lasted just seven days, it set the stage for a more stable NDA regime in 2005. The alliance won re-election in 2010, riding on Kumar's image as a governance-focused leader who had improved law and order and launched schemes for marginalised groups like Mahadalits and EBCs. The first break: 2013 In 2013, Kumar severed ties with the BJP after Narendra Modi became the head of the party's campaign committee and was declared its prime ministerial candidate. Calling for a 'Sangh-mukt Bharat,' he said the BJP's leadership no longer reflected the secular image the NDA once held. ' Mitti mein mil jaayenge, BJP ke saath wapas nahi jaayenge (We will perish but won't join forces with BJP again),' he famously declared. The JD(U) continued briefly with outside support from the Congress and CPI, but Kumar resigned as CM in 2014 following the party's Lok Sabha losses. Mahagathbandhan and its collapse In 2015, Nitish Kumar returned as CM with backing from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party and Congress under the Mahagathbandhan banner. The alliance swept the Assembly elections, defeating the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (nda). But in July 2017, amid allegations against then Deputy CM Tejashwi Yadav, Kumar resigned and returned to the NDA. The move drew sharp criticism, with the RJD calling it a betrayal and accusing Kumar of using the corruption probe as a pretext. Tensions within the NDA The BJP-JD(U) alliance persisted through the 2020 elections, though the JD(U)'s reduced seat tally. partly attributed to Lok Janshakti Party rebel candidates, soured relations. Less than two years into his term, Nitish Kumar once again resigned in August 2022, accusing the BJP of trying to destabilise his party and government. He stitched together a fresh alliance with RJD, Congress and Left parties—returning as CM for the eighth time, with Tejashwi Yadav as deputy. His re-entry into the opposition camp was seen as a national move. He hosted the first INDIA bloc meeting in Patna in 2023. At the time, he was regarded as a potential convenor of the alliance, even fuelling quiet speculation about his prime ministerial ambitions. RJD leader Shivanand Tiwary summed up the Grand Alliance's view: 'If Nitish chooses to dump NDA, what choice do we have except to embrace him?' January 2024: Return to NDA again On January 28, 2024, Nitish Kumar joined the BJP-led NDA again, marking his third formal tie-up with the party since 2000. The immediate impact was political disarray within the INDIA alliance, of which Kumar had become a key figure. His exit followed Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress announcing its decision to go solo in West Bengal. According to Business Standard 's editorial on January 29, Kumar's return to the NDA 'may not change the fortunes of Bihar,' but it effectively 'spells the decimation' of INDIA. The editorial also highlighted internal tensions, including the Congress's failure to consult key allies before launching the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra. While critics saw Kumar's moves as driven by political expediency, supporters argue they reflect a realism about regional and caste dynamics. The BJP, for its part, responded with tactical moves—appointing deputy chief ministers from Koeri and Bhumihar communities and affirming commitment to caste inclusion. Assembly elections overview The Bihar Legislative Assembly is made up of 243 seats. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the NDA led by the BJP and JD(U), along with partners like VIP and HAM(S), secured a slim majority with 125 seats. The Mahagathbandhan (RJD–Congress–Left parties) captured 110 seats, with the RJD emerging as the single largest party at 75 seats, closely followed by the BJP at 74 seats, and the JD(U) winning 43. What next for Nitish Kumar? Despite his age and repeated suggestions of grooming Tejashwi Yadav as his successor, few are willing to write off Kumar's ability to surprise. As Bihar heads toward elections in 2025, the central question remains: Will Nitish Kumar remain with the NDA, or is another pivot still possible? Timeline: Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts 1994: Broke from Lalu Prasad Yadav's Janata Dal and founded the Samata Party with George Fernandes. 2000 (March): Became chief minister for the first time, backed by the BJP-led NDA; the government lasted just 7 days. 2003: Formation of Janata Dal (United) through a merger of the Samata Party, Lok Shakti, and a faction of Janata Dal; remained in alliance with the NDA. 2005 & 2010: Won two consecutive full terms as CM in alliance with the BJP, establishing himself as a governance-focused leader. 2013 (June): Split from the NDA after Narendra Modi was named BJP's prime ministerial candidate; distanced himself over ideological concerns and moved toward forming a new alliance. 2014 (May): Resigned after JD(U)'s poor performance in the general elections; Jitan Ram Manjhi briefly took over as CM. 2015 (February): Returned as CM after internal party dissent; later that year, the JD(U), RJD, and Congress formed the Mahagathbandhan, which won the Assembly elections. 2017 (July): Exited the Mahagathbandhan amid corruption charges against RJD leaders and rejoined the NDA; began his sixth term as CM. 2020: Re-elected as CM with NDA support, though the BJP won more seats than JD(U), altering the power balance within the alliance. 2022 (August): Broke ties with the NDA again, accusing the BJP of undermining allies; rejoined the RJD, Congress, and Left parties to form another Mahagathbandhan government—his eighth term. 2024 (January): Left the Mahagathbandhan once more and rejoined the NDA, forming a new government—his ninth term as chief minister.
The Print
12-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Bihar is ripe for civil disobedience over electoral roll revision. 50 yrs ago, JP showed the way
As it is, there are serious suspicions about India's election system being weaponised to facilitate easy stealing of people's mandate. This has led to calls for 'civil disobedience,' publicly aired by a sitting MP from West Bengal, Mahua Moitra. It won't be long before this call catches up and reverberates across the country. As India commemorates the 50th anniversary of Emergency, Bihar — the land of Jayaprakash Narayan, the 'realis causa' of that dark era — is in turmoil. And for very good reasons. Around 30 to 40 percent of the state's voting population faces 'disenfranchisement' due to the hasty, arbitrary, and whimsical special intensive revision of the electoral rolls ordered by the Election Commission of India. Writing the 'foreword' for historian Dharampal's 1971 book, Civil Disobedience in India Tradition, JP wrote: 'There had developed in the course of Indian history an understanding between the ruled and the ruler as to their respective rights and responsibilities. Whenever this traditional pattern of relationship was disturbed by an autocratic ruler, the people were entitled to offer resistance in the customary manner, that is, by peaceful non-cooperation and civil disobedience. It also appears that in the event of such action, the response of the ruling authority was not to treat it as unlawful defiance, rebellion, or disloyalty that had to be put down at any cost before the issue in dispute could be taken up, but as rightful action that called for speedy negotiated settlement.' Also read: The mystery of JP's kidney failure continues. There was a purpose behind it JP's civil disobedience movement JP virtually kickstarted the civil disobedience movement from Patna on 5 June 1974 with these stentorian words: 'This is a revolution, friends! We are not here merely to see the Vidhan Sabha dissolved. That is only one milestone on our journey. But we have a long way to go… After 27 years of freedom, the people of this country are wracked by hunger, rising prices, corruption… oppressed by every kind of injustice… it is a Total Revolution we want, nothing less!' This launched the 'JP Movement', which was a coalition of organisations and individuals with very diverse beliefs, preoccupations, life circumstances, and objectives. Though 'Total Revolution' was the ultimate objective, the JP Movement commenced with civil disobedience, peaceful resistance, and non-cooperation. This was because JP took inspiration from the old idiom 'aim for the sky and you'll reach the stars' that encourages ambitious goal-setting and striving for great things. As per the template, on 7 June 1974, a non-violent satyagraha was initiated. JP called for the closure of all colleges and universities for a year. He also encouraged people not to pay tax and launched related campaigns to paralyse the government. In the following days, several people were arrested while picketing and offering dharna before the Assembly gates. Even when the Assembly session concluded on 13 July, there was no let-up in the demands and agitations for its dissolution. JP's call for the boycott of classes and exams elicited a mixed response. The first phase of the agitation concluded in the third week of July. The second and more intense phase began on 1 August, with the commencement of no-tax campaigns. Farmers were advised to withhold the state levy on food grains meant for the public distribution system. Wine and country liquor shops were picketed. There was complete mayhem. Exceptions were made only for departments like post and telegraph, hospitals, courts, railways, banks, and ration shops. JP directed students to hold ten to fifteen meetings in each assembly constituency to turn public opinion against non-performing MLAs. Addressing a public meeting in Jamshedpur, JP urged the police to disobey orders that their conscience told them were improper. He also warned, for the present, the call is on Gandhian lines and should not be mistaken for a call for rebellion. But a stage will come when he would call for total rebellion. By October, a certain fatigue seemed to have set in, even as there were increased incidences of violence and coercion in implementing the civil disobedience programme. Largely restricted to urban areas, the protests were failing to draw in poor peasants, agricultural workers, and casual labourers. To energise the movement and expand its base, JP announced a new plan of action, which included the intensification of the struggle from 2 October. A three-day bandh was organised between 3 and 5 October. Leading the bandh, JP marched through the streets of Patna on 3 October with his followers. People lined the streets to support him. He ended his march at the gate of the secretariat and sat in dharna, surrounded by supporters, curious onlookers, the media, and sections of the bureaucracy. Following the success of the bandh, JP posed another direct challenge to state power. Students and Jana Sangharsh Samiti (People's Struggle Committee) volunteers were directed to move in strength to block, subdivision, and district offices to paralyse their work and set up parallel, revolutionary people's governments or Janata sarkars. These micro-organs of people's power were expected to adjudicate disputes, ensure the sale of essential commodities at fair prices, organise redistribution of ceiling-surplus land amongst the landless, prevent black market activities and hoarding, and fight against caste oppression. They were also expected to gradually bring about a shift in people's consciousness and make them reject untouchability, casteism and its symbols like the donning of the sacred thread by Brahmins, patriarchy, and its manifestation in early marriage and dowry. Also read: Modi govt's assault on democracy is more sinister than the Emergency. Look at the differences Why people followed JP's call for action Even though JP repeatedly said that the movement was democratic and non-violent, the agitations were not entirely free of coercive violence. Shopkeepers were forced to pull down their shutters. Trains and buses were arbitrarily stopped. At Bhabua, Sasaram, Samastipur, Sitamarhi, Muzaffarpur, and Danapur stations, young children blocked railway tracks. The police retaliated with ruthless brutality. Hundreds of students were beaten up and arrested including several women and girls. They were incarcerated in the jails of Hazaribagh, Bhagalpur, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Samastipur, Arrah, Bankipur, and Patna. Between 2 and 5 October, the police opened fire at many places, resulting in a number of deaths. In a single incident in Patna City, twenty-two rounds were fired, and unofficial sources reported seventy-five deaths. However, JP did not backtrack because he agreed with the rationale of Howard Zinn (1970): 'Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience. Our problem is that people all over the world have obeyed the dictates of leaders…and millions have been killed because of this obedience… Our problem is that people are obedient all over the world in the face of poverty and starvation and stupidity and war and cruelty. Our problem is that people are obedient while the jails are full of petty thieves…(and) the grand thieves are running the country. That's our problem.' How true is this today even after half a century of 'practicing' democracy. At the 25 June 1975 rally at Ramlila Grounds, Delhi, following the disqualification of Indira Gandhi as a Member of Parliament, JP formally declared civil disobedience: 'Friends, this civil disobedience will be of varied types. A time may come when, if these people do not listen, it may be necessary to de-recognise the government. They have no moral, legal, or constitutional right to govern; therefore, we would de-recognise them; we would not cooperate with them; not a paise of tax shall be given to them.' What followed is now history. An introspection of the movement would reveal that JP's involvement was the main factor that enabled the disparate non-Congress forces to come together for political action. While these parties, organisations, and sectors were no more diverse than the factions within Congress, they did not have a cause and a leader to unite them until the opposition to Congress rule intensified, and JP emerged for them to rally behind. The reason JP was able to perform this role was because of his public stature. He had a reputation for honesty and incorruptibility, for moral and physical courage (the latter derived from his bold exploits during the freedom struggle), for his deep concern for the fate of the Indian people, and perhaps most importantly, for his refusal to take up positions of power. In Indian tradition, there is the figure of the rishi (seer) who does not hold power, but instead exercises moral authority over those who do. Gandhi was considered such a person, and people came to see JP in the same light. Today, JP's cause for people's action not only survives, but has grown stronger. The true patriot has already paved the way. [Portions of the article are from the writer's recent Book 'Emergency and Neo-Emergency: Who will Defend Democracy?', The Browser, Chandigarh] M.G. Devasahayam is a retired IAS officer and chairman of People-First. He also served in the Indian Army. As the District Magistrate of Chandigarh, he was the custodian of JP in jail. He had a ringside view of Emergency and has written a book titled Emergency and Neo-Emergency: Who will defend Democracy?. Views are personal. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)
Indian Express
28-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Those who were in jail: Political detainees between 1975-77 talk about the Emergency
Fifty years ago, on the night of June 25, 1975, the Indira Gandhi government invoked Article 352 of the Constitution to declare Emergency on the grounds of 'internal disturbance' — the first and only time this clause was used in Independent India. Here's a lookback at the 19 leaders and their stories as political detainees during the dark period of a State at its worst: Age: 78 Stint in jail: Over 15 months Elected as the president of the Patna University Students' Union in 1973, Lalu continued to ride on the popularity of the JP Movement in 1974. In 1977, at the age of 29, he was elected as an MP from Chhapra (now Saran), riding on the goodwill of the Janata Party. In 1990, he became the Chief Minister of Bihar. In the wake of the fodder scam case against him, despite his re-election in 1995, Lalu transferred power to his wife Rabri Devi in 1997. He served as the Union Railways Minister later. In 2013, he was convicted in one of the fodder scam cases. Though out of active politics since 2015, as the RJD national president, he still remains one of its most prominent voices. Though his son Tejashwi Yadav has taken over the party mantle, the NDA still treats Lalu as its principal opponent. Quote on Emergency: 'I was in jail when Indira Gandhi declared the Emergency (June 25, 1975). I established contact with many of my activist friends, lodged in various jails, to take forward the movement against this attack on democracy. I carried out several rounds of agitation inside the jail to improve the quality of food for prisoners — as I had done as a student leader when visiting messes and canteens. Soon, I became popular among the jail inmates. I cracked jokes and regaled my incarcerated audience with Loha Singh's dialogues (A popular radio play). I read in newspapers that people throughout the state were angry over my arrest and sympathetic towards me.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: March 18, 1975, started on a tense note. Thousands of students from across Bihar had gathered in Patna. The state regime had clamped Section 144 in the city. Defying prohibitory orders, the protestors gheroed the Assembly to press for their demands. The police resorted to a lathi-charge, and fired tear gas shells and ammunition on the agitating students. Scores of students were wounded. 'Somehow, a rumour started that I had been killed in police firing. I was eventually arrested along with others on March 22, 1975. The police booked me under MISA and sent me to the Bankipur Central Jail,' says Lalu. Then, the emergency was declared. For nearly two years, he was in jail. 'I was not afraid during the Emergency. I am not afraid now, during this undeclared emergency. It may have been 50 years, but I have not stopped raising my voice against repression. I will, till my last breath, stand among people and fight for their dignity and rights,' he says. Age: 74 Stint in jail: 9 months Associated with the 1974 JP Movement, Kumar first became an MLA on a Lok Dal ticket from his home constituency of Harnaut, Nalanda. Between 1989 and 2004, he served six stints as an MP. He was also appointed as Union Minister of Agriculture and Railways during this period. In March 2000, he became the Bihar CM for the first time. However, his term lasted just seven days. In November 2005, he was once again appointed the Bihar CM. He is, at present, the longest serving Bihar CM. He is also the national president of the Janata Dal (United). Quote on Emergency: 'It was black chapter in political history of India during which the press and civil liberties were muzzled. JP had rightfully given the call for 'Sampoorna Kranti' in his bid for a socialist society, with the goal of justice with development,' he told the author of Ruled or Misruled in 2015. What transpired at time of his arrest: Active in the JP Movement, rousing students and writing press releases, Kumar was arrested from Bhojpur village late on June 9, 1976. His friend and biographer Uday Kant Mishra, says, a cash award had been announced for his arrest. 'He was brought to Ara jail the same day. Days later, he was shifted to Buxar jail. Around December 1976, he was shifted to Bhagalpur Central Jail.' General elections were announced in January 1977 and the last date to file nominations was the end of February, the same time Nitish was released from Bhagalpur Jail, says Mishra, adding that a team of 15 policemen were awarded Rs 2,750 for Nitish's arrest. Age: 73 Stint in jail: 18 months. Singh, the current Union Defence Minister, has held senior posts, including those of the Union Home Minister, Union Agriculture Minister, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and the national president of the BJP. Quote on Emergency: 'My mother was in the hospital for 27 days and died. I could not go (for her funeral)…I did not get released, did not get parole. I got my head shaved in jail. Her last rites were performed by my brothers,' Singh said in 2024. What transpired at the time of his arrest: At the time of his arrest, Singh headed the Mirzapur faction of the J P movement, which comprised workers from Opposition parties. Just 24, he was arrested and placed in solitary confinement in a compound. He was later moved to the Naini Central Jail (in Prayagraj) by train. 'When I disembarked at Naini, around 80-100 policemen were present. My mother was also there. She told him not to apologise, come what may. (Senior BJP leader) Murli Manohar Joshi too was lodged at the same jail when I arrived,' he says. Singh says most prisoners expected the Emergency to be revoked on June 26, 1976, a year later. However, that did not happen and their detention continued. 'My mother suffered a haemorrhage (around this time). She was in hospital for days and passed away. I was not allowed parole, either to visit her in hospital or to attend her funeral,' he says. He was released after 18 months, when the Emergency was lifted. Age: 76 Stint in jail: One year Tyagi, who started his political career under former Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh, first became an MP from Ghaziabad in 1989. A long-term socialist, he was nominated to the Rajya Sabha by the JD(U) in 2013. At present, he is political advisor for the party. Quote on the Emergency: 'Though Indira Gandhi had learnt great lessons of democracy under Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru, she was responsible, first, for ending internal democracy in the Congress and later, the imposition of the Emergency. Just as St Petersburg city observes the fall of Hitler every year (the end of the Siege of Leningrad), India should also hold such an annual event to tell people about the political holocaust called the Emergency.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), who was in Kolkata, had announced a rally at Delhi's Ramlila Maidan on June 23, 1975. 'Then PM Indira Gandhi got all flights from Kolkata to Delhi cancelled. JP managed to reach Delhi on June 25, 1975, and hold a mammoth meeting,' says Tyagi, adding that Morarji Desai, Raj Narain and Ashok Mehta were on the dais along with JP and him. Towards the end of his speech, he says, JP said government servants, the police and defence forces should not obey the 'orders of autocratic governments'. On December 23, 1975, Chaudhary Charan Singh's birthday, Tyagi was participating in a satyagraha organised in Ghaziabad. 'My friend Satya Pal Malik (the former J & K Governor) and I were arrested, and put in Meerut jail. Whenever we were taken out of the barracks, we would be handcuffed. There was no proper food or medical facilities inside the jail. We were not allowed to meet anyone. In the evenings, we would pass time by playing cards and, at times, cricket,' he says. Age: 78 years Hailing from Baghpat district in western UP, Malik organised various student and farmers' movements as the general secretary of the Samajwadi Yuvjan Sabha. Malik first served as an MLA from the Chaudhary Charan Singh-led Bharatiya Kranti Dal in 1974-77. In 1980, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha by the Charan Singh-led Lok Dal. In 1984, he joined the Congress, which sent him to the Rajya Sabha in 1986. Following the Bofors scam, he joined V P Singh's Jan Morcha in 1987. In 1989, he won the Lok Sabha election from Aligarh as a Janata Dal candidate. In 1990, he served a short term as a Union Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs and Tourism. In 2004, Malik joined the BJP and unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha elections, losing to then RLD chief Ajit Singh from Baghpat. After holding several senior posts in the BJP, he was appointed as Governor of Bihar in October 2017. In August 2018, he was transferred to J&K, becoming the first politician appointed to the post since the start of the militancy in Kashmir. During his J&K tenure, the Modi government scrapped Article 370. He also served as the Governor in Goa and Meghalaya. Quote on Emergency: 'The Congress should apologise for the Emergency.' Age: 81 years Stint in jail: Seven months Tiwari, the son of prominent socialist leader and former Bihar Minister Ramanand Tiwari, represented the Shahpur Assembly constituency in Arah. An excise minister in the RJD government, Tiwari was among the five PIL petitioners against Lalu Prasad in the fodder scam case. Tiwari also joined hands with Nitish Kumar after the latter became Chief Minister. In 2008-2014, Nitish's JD (U) nominated Tiwari to the Rajya Sabha. At present, he is the RJD national vice-president. Quote on Emergency: 'We had never expected in our wildest dreams that the JP Movement would culminate into the imposition of the Emergency by Indira Gandhi. It was black chapter in Indian history, during which people's voices were muzzled and prominent leaders were put in jail for their dissent against the ruling dispensation.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: Soon after the Emergency was imposed, Patna witnessed terrible floods. Tiwari, then living in the city's S K Puri area, was forced to leave his inundated ground-floor house. Though his family stayed back on the first floor of the house with their livestock, they too left the area not very long long after him. As soon as the flood waters receded, the police started arresting key leaders. Meanwhile, Tiwari and other leaders held a meeting to allegedly discuss using dynamite from Baroda in an act of protest against Indira Gandhi. In between, Tiwari went to Benares for another meeting. His wife Vimala Devi called him back to Patna, assuring him that he was 'not important enough' a leader to be arrested by the police. Convinced, Tiwari returned to Patna. Days later, the police surrounded his house to arrest him. Tiwari rushed to his terrace to escape, but was arrested under MISA. Age: 78 years Stint in jail: Around six months Before his arrest during the Emergency, he had contested the Assembly elections from Ghaziabad, but lost. After his release from jail, he contested the elections from the same constituency once again and won. Now recognised as a student and youth leader, he joined the Samajwadi Party. He was a Cabinet Minister in the Akhilesh Yadav-led government from 2012 to 2017. He is currently a Member of the Legislative Council (MLC). Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was against the fundamental rights of the people, as enshrined in the Constitution. It was a form of dictatorship. Those days marked a direct assault by the government on the Constitution and a betrayal of the public. The principles of Independence were suppressed, creating a dangerous and fearful situation in the country. What transpired at the time of his arrest: Chaudhary was arrested from Ghaziabad while protesting against the imposition of the Emergency. At the time of his arrest, he says he was uncertain whether he would ever be released. 'After the Emergency was imposed, all rights — including press freedom, civil liberties and constitutional protections — were suspended,' he says. Age: 74 years Stint in jail: 16 months At the time of his arrest, Sharma was the president of the Allahabad University Students' Union. After his release from jail, he was appointed the state general secretary of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BYJM). In 1991, he contested the Assembly election from the Pratapgarh Sadar seat on a BJP ticket and won. He went on to serve as a minister in the Kalyan Singh government. Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was the outcome of one person's authoritarian streak — a period marked by personal obsession. It was a fight between the people and the government, as the public stood up against the attack on democracy.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: Sharma, then the president of the Allahabad University Students' Union, says he 'knew' the police would come for him as soon as he heard about the imposition of Emergency. The police, he says, got wind of a meeting, banned under the rules of Emergency, organised on the university campus. 'They surrounded the campus, but I still managed to slip inside and join the gathering. I was delivering a speech when the police arrested me. I was confident that the government wouldn't be able to keep me in jail for long. I consider my arrest then like a badge of honour,' he says. Age: 79 years How long was he in jail: Around 19 months Pandey was the general secretary of the Socialist Party's Allahabad unit at the time of his arrest during the Emergency. After his release, he joined the Janata Party and became the district general secretary of its Allahabad unit. In 1993, he switched over to the BJP, where he served as the general secretary and later the vice-president of its Allahabad unit. From 2003 to 2007, he served as the president of the party's Allahabad unit. Quote on Emergency: 'Since none of us knew how long the Emergency would last, we would stay together in jail. The Emergency was a challenging time for our families. It was a long, tedious process for them just to meet us while we were in jail. Only parents or wives were allowed. But even they had to undergo many formalities to get permission.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: Unaware that the Emergency had been imposed late on June 25,1975, Pandey, a practicing lawyer then, was in court the next morning. In court, he says, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) arrived with a warrant issued against him. 'I was confused. I had done nothing to offend the government. I couldn't understand why the police were detaining me,' he says. It was only after he reached the reserve police lines and saw that several others had already been detained that he realised he had been held due to the Emergency. Age: 82 years Stint in jail: 14 months An RSS pracharak at the age of 20, Jain held influential positions in Jai Prakash Narayan's Yuva Sangharsh Vahini when Emergency was declared, making him a prime target in the government's sweeping crackdown. Later, he served as the organisation secretary for the BJP, before becoming the party's state unit president. In 2011 and 2014, he won by-elections that catapulted him to the Rajya Sabha. He stepped down from his seat in 2018. Quote on Emergency: 'It was a dark period in Indian history. Entire families were broken up. When I think of the Emergency, I get angry over my time in jail. The friends I lost. The atrocities we faced…I don't think an Emergency can be imposed again because of our sacrifices. No government would survive. That time it was imposed for the first time, people did not know how to resist.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: When the Emergency was imposed, Jain was mobilising youth for his organisation in Bhopal. He was in Jabalpur, en route to Mandla, when he heard that his comrades were getting arrested. Sensing danger, he gave the organisation office a miss. 'I had just collected my newspaper when the police came to arrest me. I slipped away by telling them that I delivered newspapers,' he says. Arrested in Bhopal, he says he gave the police a fake name, 'Vinod Shrivastava', secured bail and went underground for five months. During that time, he ferried letters and rallied youth. Despite a tip-off from a CID officer that the police were closing in on him, he was 'betrayed' by a pressured party member. From Bhopal Central Jail, he was transferred to Indores jail. 'I was in handcuffs during the bus ride and feared that passers-by would mistake me for a common thief. At every stop, I proclaimed my status as a MISA detainee to reclaim my dignity,' he says. In jail, he says 'inmates were stripped and beaten…Some died, unable to attend their family's final rites'. The arrival of boys, jailed during a statewide satyagraha, lifted his spirits. 'When young children streamed into our jail cells, I knew mahaul acha hai,' he says. 'Emergency will end soon.' Age: 72 years Stint in jail: 14 months A member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Chatterjee was the joint secretary of the Calcutta unit of the Students' Federation of India. Arrested in April 1976 under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), he was released in June 1977, just before the Left Front government was formed in West Bengal. From 1990 to 1995, he served as the Councillor of Kolkata Municipal Corporation's Ward 49. At present, he is the CPI(M)'s local old-age branch member. His wife Snigdha Chatterjee is also member of the CPI(M). Quote on Emergency: 'During the Emergency, all human rights were violated. Even the administration showed no signs of humanity. There were around 40 of us in Presidency jail during the Emergency. We formed a group and started protesting against this imposition by fasting. The officials would feed us forcibly, leading to many of my comrades falling sick.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: Having finished writing his BCom final exams, Chatterjee and five others, including his younger brother, were pasting anti-Emergency posters on walls from Surendranath College to Raja Bazar in Calcutta at 1.20 am in April 1976. As the group landed near Victoria College, Chatterjee spotted a police van. To help the others flee, he started running away from the group. Cornered by the police in an alley, he spent 14 months in Presidency jail. Chatterjee says, 'The police kept asking me who had given me the posters. I told them I had found them lying in the street and started pasting them.' Charged under the draconian Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), under which prisoners could be kept in jail indefinitely without being produced in court, he stayed in jail till the end of the Emergency. 'The police could not extract a bond signature (to not join a party) from any of us. We stayed united in jail,' says Chatterjee. Age: 80 years Stint in jail: 21 months Thakur, who belongs to Sagar district in Madhya Pradesh, is a law graduate. In 1963, he was a part of the Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP). After his release from jail, he joined the Janata Party, where he became one of its five general secretaries. Thakur was its parliamentary board member in 1977, the year the party defeated the Indira Gandhi-led Congress in the general elections. At present, he is the national president of Loktantrik Samajwadi Party. Quote on Emergency: 'The Constitution was strangled and it was a scary period and it is not easy for one to imagine it today. The Emergency ended, but our fight was not to get a pension. The prime goals of JP's Andolan was to achieve five goals, namely electoral reforms, right to recall, eradication of corruption, control rising prices and deal with unemployment. All these issues are still prevalent. It is the duty of all Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) prisoners to ensure these goals are achieved.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: On the night of June 25, 1975, hours before Emergency was declared on June 26, Thakur, a state secretary of the Socialist Party, was arrested from his home by a police team. He was lodged in Sagar jail. 'Even the police did not know why they were asked to arrest me and other leaders. We came to know on June 26th that the Emergency had been imposed. Just a few days earlier, I had ended an indefinite fast over a water-related issue. The next day, he says, he was sent to the Jabalpur Central Jail, where he was housed in the Gora barracks, the same place where revolutionary Subhash Chandra Bose was detained during the freedom struggle. 'On October 2 (birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi) that year, I, along with other MISA prisoners, burnt an effigy of Indira. This attracted the wrath of prison officials, who lathi-charged us,' he says. While the others were sent back to their barracks after the lathi-charge, Thakur says he was kept in a segregated cell. 'I was stripped and handcuffed. The cell opened just three times a day — for cleaning and to give me food and water. I was kept there for nearly two months,' he says. His solitary confinement, he says, fuelled rumours that he was dead. The prisoners started fasting in protest. The prison officials finally got Thakur to meet these prisoners and appeal to them to break their fast. 'The prisoners broke their fast. However, a week later, I was shipped off to Indore Jail. I spent a total of 21 months in jail — almost the entire time the Emergency was imposed. I was released along with others in March 1977, after elections were announced. My younger brother, Krishnvir Singh, an advocate, too spent 19 months in jail,' adds Thakur. Age: 72 years Stint in jail: Over 21 months An RSS pracharak, Tiwari headed the ABVP's Uttar Pradesh unit. The son of an IPS officer, he joined the BJP when it was formed in 1980 and went on to become the first general secretary of the BJP Yuva Morcha in UP. Later, he worked as the UP BJP secretary and as the Lucknow Mahanagar district president. He also served as a state minister from 1997 to 2002. Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was the murder of democracy. Today, the Modi government observes June 25 as Samvidhan Hatya Diwas. However, it is not concerned about those who fought to protect democracy. We were well-educated, but we lost a crucial period of life in jail. Several people lost their jobs after getting arrested. If aapatkaal bandi (Emergency prisoners) would not have opposed the Emergency, democracy would have vanished in the country. In that situation, how could a chaiwalla become the Prime Minister and the head of a matth (a monastic order) a Chief Minister?' Tiwari says. What transpired at the time of his arrest: Tiwari was arrested on June 30, 1975, from Lucknow's Kaiserbagh area while attempting to delivering a letter from Rajju Bhaiyya, the RSS kshetra pracharak for UP and Bihar, to Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) leader Nanaji Deshmukh, both underground then. Tiwari says the police wanted him to give up Deshmukh's location. His refusal to give up the BJS leader led to his arrest. Booked under MISA, he was lodged at Lucknow jail, before being shifted to the Bareilly Central Jail. In prison, he claims that he was once forced to 'stay awake for three consecutive days'. 'The Mulayam Singh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party government had started a pension of Rs 500 per month for those imprisoned during the Emergency, and were given the name of Loktantra Senani. The pension (of Rs 20,000 per month) that we receive today is lower than a labourer's monthly earnings,' he says. Age: 97 Stint in jail: Around 20 months Kishan started out in politics after joining the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) in the mid-1940s, almost a decade after it was founded. He actively participated in the movements launched by socialist leaders Jayaprakash Narayan and Ram Manohar Lohia. In 1958, he became the first president of the Socialist Party's Rajasthan unit. In 1962, he was elected from Bharatpur's Weir Assembly seat in the third Assembly on a Socialist Party ticket. In the next election in 1967, he managed to retain this seat from the Sanghata Socialist Party. In 1972, he lost from Weir but won the Bharatpur Assembly seat in the 1974 bypoll. In 1977, he was elected to the Sixth Lok Sabha from Bharatpur on a Bharatiya Lok Dal ticket. According to his biography, Main Zinda Hun, authored by his son, Kishan was the Bharatpur Zila Pramukh from 1965 to 1977. Although Kishan won his last election from Bharatpur Assembly seat in 1990 from Janata Dal, he continues to be involved in regional politics. He has also authored booklets, titled Hamne Congress Kyon Chhodi (Why We Left the Congress), India-Soviet Pact, India's Foreign Policy and Economic Conditions of Rajasthan. Quote on Emergency: 'Other countries like Indonesia too witnessed the imposition of Emergency. However, in our country, it didn't last as long. And this was not because of Indira Gandhi, but because of the energy, the feeling of sacrifice circulating throughout the country post-Independence…However, instead of learning lessons from the Emergency, there seems to be an undeclared Emergency in the country today. Institutions are being weakened, there is pressure on the press and things do not come out in the open. There is terror within the organisation. Chandra Shekhar (who later became the Prime Minister) vehemently opposed the Emergency while he too was in Congress. Today, there is no one within the (ruling) party who dares to speak against the misuse of institutions such as the Enforcement Directorate and demand that these things should be stopped as it is weakening democracy.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: On June 25, 1975, Kishan was leaving the State Assembly library in Jaipur, when he ran into a journalist, who informed him of the imposition of the Emergency. Kishan says he went to his friend Devvrat Arya, who took him to RSS leader Vidyasagar Gupta's home in Jaipur's Janta Colony. Hiding in the basement of Gupta's house, Kishan recalls waiting for a word from his Socialist Party leader George Fernandes on how to respond to the situation but in vain. Kishan then shifted base to the house of another friend. Nearly two weeks after the Emergency, all Opposition leaders had been arrested. Kishan returned to his government accomodation and called up his family in Bharatpur. However, his phone had been tapped. By the time he ended the call, the police were at his door, he says. R N Gaur, then Deputy Superintendent of Police, told him, 'You have been quite a headache for the government.' Kishan spent the night at a police station and was then taken to a PWD guest house that had been converted into a jail camp. Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, the future Vice-President, was among those housed at the camp. Under police watch, Kishan would walk inside the campus, while others played volleyball or cards. He claimed Shekhawat tried to escape but was caught and moved. After several days in the camp, Kishan's wife Krishna and son Shailesh visited him. He says, 'Two policemen listened to our conversation during their visit. However, there was no political talk. Only domestic discussions on the health of our family members, especially their children.' Gradually, all inmates were shifted out of this guest house, barring him. A fortnight later, he was shifted to another guest house, where he ran into Shekhawat. 'Leaders from the Jan Sangh (Shekhawat), socialists (him) and Gandhians (others) were now under the same roof. There was no access to newspapers. We discussed our respective ideologies. There were so many discussions that our differences decreased and opposing the Congress became our common goal,' he says. He said that leaders like Gokulbhai Bhatt, also an inmate, led an inspirational life. He said Bhatt 'earned' his meal by chopping wood for cooking, reading a lot, spinning the Charkha, etc. Everyone used to wash their own clothes too. The leaders were allowed to meet their families once in every quarter. Accused of sending 'messages', Around seven months later, Shekhawat was shifted to Rohtak jail, while Kishan and the others were moved to Ajmer jail, where he spent nearly 15 months. After Kishan's mother fell sick, then CM Haridev Joshi met her, proposing that Kishan be let out on parole. However, Kishan's wife took offence, saying that this would be akin to submitting an apology to the state, like some other politicians of the time had done. Then, a rumour started going around — that anyone coming to meet his family (in Bharatpur) would be arrested too. Even doctors stopped visiting the family, he says. Kishan was then shifted to Bharatpur jail, where he spent about a month. On his way to the jail, he says, he stopped by his house, where he greeted his mother. Kishan says his mother passed away after he became an MP in 1977. He says that what he misses most about that time is that he could not spend time with his mother in her last days. Age: 72 years How long was he in jail: Around 20 months Singh, the president of the Allahabad University Students' Union, was associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). Though he did not hold any formal position in the party, he led the intellectual cell, Prabudh Prakoshth, of its Uttar Pradesh unit for nearly 12 years. Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was imposed to protect political power, as the then Prime Minister was unwilling to give up her position. She was ready to go to great lengths to hold on to it. There can be no darker chapter in the history of Indian democracy than this.' What transpired at the time of their arrest: Singh, who had been released from jail under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), says he was arrested a few days later due to the Emergency. 'The second time I was taken into custody, I had a feeling that I would be among the last to be released. The authorities were unhappy with me because I continued to speak out — both inside and outside the jail — against illegal actions and injustices,' he says. Age: 74 Stint in jail: 5 months A poet, Bharati has worked with news organisations like Lok Hastakshep in Himachal Pradesh, and Bharat News International Agency and Yugvarta, both in New Delhi. He was also associated with Eklavya magazine in Bhopal. Bharti's writing credits include his poetry collections, titled 'Jadoon Ki Aakhiri Pakar Tak', 'Dhoop Ke Aur Kareeb' and 'Ye Mera Hi Ansh Hai', and dramas, titled 'Company Ustaad', 'Janvaasa' and 'Fukan Ka Suthanna'. Quote on Emergency: 'What Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) fought for against Indira Gandhi and her authoritarian rule was forgotten soon, with the Janata Party in a disarray within just three years. We never considered JP's proposal of 'right of recall' our representatives. Before Indira muzzled the press during the Emergency, something similar had happened when the Portuguese took control of Goa.' What transpired at time of his arrest: Bharti was arrested mainly for his poem titled 'Ek Aadmi Ne Utha Rakha Hai Aam Aadmi Ka Sawal', which featured very prominently on posters during the JP Movement. On his way back from Nawada village, he was arrested from a Patna hotel soon after the Emergency was imposed. 'A Bihar government official came up to me, introducing himself as my fan. Later, he told me that I was being arrested under MISA for provoking the masses with my poem (on the poster) and other cultural activities, including nukkad-nataks (street plays) and poetry recitations,' he says. Before his arrest, Bharti had joined the Loktantrik Rachnakar Manch, whose members included renowned Hindi poet Nagarjuna and Fanishwarnath. As its secretary, Bharti says he would recite poems to build momentum before JP's speeches. Operating out of its Patna office , he says the manch was very active, holding regular nukkad-nataks and poetry sessions. 'After 50 years of the Emergency and despite being a J P Senani (Bihar government's designation for the participants of the JP Movement), I have not received pension,' he claims. Age: 85 years Stint in jail: Around 10 months Narain was the state general secretary of the Socialist Party at the time of his arrest. After his release from jail, he became a member of the state committee of the Janata Party. He also briefly worked as a journalist with a section of Hindi newspapers. He was also named as an accused in the Baroda Dynamite case (related to waging a war against the state). Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was nothing short of a one-person dictatorship. It created an atmosphere of fear and intimidation all around.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: Narain was arrested in Kolkata in June 1976, a year after the Emergency was imposed, along with George Fernandes. Claiming that 'the entire world, including major democratic nations, were opposed to the Emergency', he says protests took place across the country and abroad during the entire time it was imposed. Growing dissent, he says, put immense pressure on Indira Gandhi. 'I was confident that they wouldn't be able to keep us in jail for long and would eventually be forced to call elections,' he says. Narain was released from jail 10 months later. Age: 74 Stint in jail: 19 months Pratap was associated with the socialist movement since he was a college student. In 1968, he joined the Samajwadi Yuvjan Sabha. In 1977, he became the Delhi state president of Yuva Janata, the Janata Party's youth wing. When George Fernandes formed Samata Party in 1994, Pratap became its national secretary. Pratap was among those who opposed Fernandes's move to join NDA. After the Samta Party split, he became the national general secretary of the Samta Party (Secular). Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was imposed in 1975 using loopholes that existed in the Constitution. Today, imposing such an Emergency legally is not easy. However, the use of ED and CBI (to silence dissent) has led to an undeclared emergency at present. Our culture is being destroyed. I am against every undemocratic act.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: Pratap was arrested from his Delhi residence, where he was recovering from a leg injury. He had sustained that injury after he was allegedly lathi-charged for blocking the movement of Union Minister Jagjivan Ram and demanding his resignation. Pratap claims the police kept him under surveillance for months before arresting him. He was first kept in Tihar jail. After he went on hunger strike in protest against the poor conditions inside the jail, he was moved to Jaipur jail. Age: 81 years Stint in jail: 18 months Verma started his political journey as president of his college students' union. He served in various capacities thereafter, including as chairperson of the Dharampuri Municipality (1969-1972), in the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly (1977), as state BJP secretary (1980-1985), as Cabinet Minister for School Education, Higher Education, Sports, and Culture (1989 -1993), as the Leader of Opposition in the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly (1993-1998), as Rajya Sabha MP (2000-2012, with a re-election in 2006), and as Minister for Youth Affairs and Sports (2002-2004). In 2007, he was appointed BJP national vice-president. His wife Neena Verma is an MLA from Dhar, Indore. Quote on Emergency: 'The Emergency was more than a political crisis. It was a battle for the soul of the nation. Before us, people had fought from jails in the Independence movement. For us, this was also like that. It was a struggle to save democracy in the country. There is now a brotherhood amongst those who served their time in jail together. We won't ever forget what happened to us.' What transpired at the time of his arrest: When the Emergency was imposed, Verma was a young man fuelled by resolve. 'I fought the municipal corporation elections from jail,' he says, adding that his 'bold act' drew praise from Kushabhau Thakre, the architect of the BJP's formidable organisation in Madhya Pradesh. Though Verma didn't win the election, he says his campaign was a defiant statement against the government's clampdown. Imprisoned in Indore jail alongside BJP stalwarts like Kailash Joshi, says he described the conditions in jail as 'grim'. He says the ordeal was both personal and political. 'My father was jailed in another facility in Dhar, leaving my elderly mother alone at home. My mind was occupied with her thoughts. The weight of family separation compounded my hardships in jail,' he says.
Indian Express
27-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Gujarat students ‘showed the light', then it became a beacon
A year before the country witnessed the imposition of the Emergency and the fight against it under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan (universally known as JP), Morarji Desai and others, Gujarat witnessed a massive student-led movement – the Navnirman Andolan – against inflation and corruption in 1973-74. The movement, which eventually resulted in the resignation of then Congress Chief Minister Chimanbhai Patel and the dissolution of the Gujarat Assembly, proved an inspiration for the JP Movement and his call of 'Sampoorna Kranti (Total Revolution)'. Like the JP Movement did in Bihar, the Navnirman Andolan also saw the emergence of a new generation of leaders in Gujarat. Manishi Jani, a student leader who became one the prominent faces of the movement, recalls how price rise and scarcity of essential commodities had left the general public angry. 'Amidst this, in December 1973, the authorities increased the monthly mess fare of students at government colleges from Rs 70 to Rs 90. Students of Lalbhai Dalpatbhai College of Engineering in Ahmedabad objected. On December 20, they set the canteen on fire. A newspaper article highlighted how many students were eating only once a day to save money. Many ran into debt.' Ten days after the canteen was attacked at the Ahmedabad college, Jani says, 'There was a similar incident in Morbi (at Lukhdhirji Engineering College), where students protesting against poor food quality and price rise vandalised a laboratory.' Despite the protests, however, the authorities further hiked the mess charges. This led to a call by students of the Ahmedabad engineering college for a massive protest on January 2, 1974, where they clashed with police. 'Police entered the hostel and lathicharged them. About 200-225 students were taken into custody.' An informal forum of students called the Yuvak Lagni Samiti met at Gujarat University to plan what to do next. 'We decided to hold a big march to the Navrangpura Police Station, where the students were held. Eventually, they were released,' Jani says, adding that this was when the agitation began building up as a protest against the state government. 'We held various protests under the banner of the Yuvak Lagni Samiti. Our point was: The inflation was not natural, but manmade, the result of a nexus between traders, hoarders and big farmers.' Students accosted ministers in public, held gheraos of political leaders, gave shutdown calls for colleges and schools. Trade unions joined them, followed by non-Congress parties. A bandh held in Ahmedabad on January 10, 1974, proved so successful, Jani says, that 'even newspapers were not distributed' that day. CM Patel bore the brunt of the ire because of his own financial interests in the education sector and involvement in university politics. The influential Adhyapak Mandal, a university-level association of professors, also came out against the government. Soon, the agitation had spread across the state, getting spontaneous support from the public. The leaders of the agitation then decided that it was time to give it a formal structure, to ensure better coordination of events planned. This led to the formation of the Navnirman Yuvak Samiti, with office-bearers. The name 'Navnirman' was reportedly given by a journalist. Jani was named president of the Samiti's Executive Committee. Among the innovative protests rolled out by the Navnirman Samiti was the call for 'sarkar no mrutyughant (the death knell of the government)'. 'The idea was given by one of our supporters and leader of the Adhyapak Mandal, K S Shastri. We demanded that the Chimanbhai Patel government be removed and the Assembly be dissolved. We asked people to clank rolling pins on steel plates at night,' Jani says. Just over a year after that canteen protest over fare hike, the Navnirman Yuvak Samiti called for a Gujarat Bandh on January 25, 1974. Days to go, the Congress government began arresting the leaders and supporters of the movement en masse under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), among other provisions. Jani says this was another miscalculation by the Patel government. 'After that, the agitation got out of the government's control… On January 25, all of Gujarat remained shut except for Bhuj and some villages of Kutch. People formed Navnirman Samitis in every district on their own. We started the agitation, but now it became a 'lok andolan (people's movement)'.' Narhari Amin, one of the office-bearers of the Navnirman Yuvak Samiti and now a BJP Rajya Sabha MP, says that by early 1974, 'students had started holding meetings at the district level'. 'The government used excessive force in reply, resorting to lathicharge and police firing… More than 100 people died and public properties were set on fire. Thousands of people blocked railway tracks. The Army was called in to control the situation.' Alarmed at the rumblings in Gujarat which were already echoing across the country in Bihar – JP was called to address the protesters in Gujarat – the Congress high command sent then Union Law Minister H R Gokhale to hold discussions with the protesters. Eventually, Patel resigned as CM on February 9, 1974, following which President's Rule was imposed in Gujarat. However, the Navnirman Yuvak Samiti continued its agitation, maintaining their original demand that the Assembly be dissolved. On March 16, 1974, the Indira Gandhi government at the Centre finally agreed to the same, and fresh elections were announced in June that year. A coalition Janata Morcha government came to power after the polls, with Morarji Desai playing a crucial role in this. Amin says that, notwithstanding the role of national leaders like Desai and JP, the Navnirman Movement remained essentially an agitation of students and 'not about Desai or Narayan'. 'They strengthened us by giving (moral) support… Desai once sat on an indefinite hunger strike in support of student demands.' The meeting JP addressed as part of the Navnirman Andolan was at H L Commerce College in Ahmedabad, says Ashok Panjabi, who headed the CPI's Gujarat student wing then and was part of the agitation. 'JP also held a meeting with agitating students at the Senate Hall of Gujarat University,' Panjabi says, adding that JP did not return after that as he wanted the Gujarat agitation to remain essentially a student protest. Now a Gujarat Congress vice-president, Panjabi says: 'JP took inspiration from Navnirman Andolan and gave a call for dissolution of the Bihar Assembly when he launched the Bihar andolan.' That agitation would build into a nation-wide protest, leading to the declaration of the Emergency by the Indira Gandhi government that saw itself as besieged. Jani recalls JP once saying: 'Gujarat ke chhatron ne mujhe prakash dikhaya (the students of Gujarat showed me the light).'
Indian Express
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Lalu Prasad: ‘Indira still had respect for democracy – she held elections, accepted defeat… Now there is undeclared Emergency'
RJD chief and former Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad was a part of the Jayaprakash Narayan Movement that rattled the Indira Gandhi government, and one of the triggers for the declaration of Emergency. Lalu was among the Opposition leaders rounded up in the crackdown that followed. Excerpts from an interview: What is your first memory of the Emergency? As a student leader, I was a very active member of the JP Movement. I was arrested well before the Emergency was imposed. More student leaders were jailed as we kept rallying against all injustices, including demanding better food in prison. Humour and wit became powerful tools in the face of adversity. I would often regale fellow inmates with dialogues from the famous radio drama Loha Singh. One such dialogue was: 'E Khadedan ki maa, jab hum Kabul ke morche par the, hum kaath ki banukh se lohe ka sanukh todte the (When I was at the Kabul border, I would smash iron trunks with wooden guns)'. It would bring smiles on the faces of the inmates. Dialogues from the radio drama still bring smiles (on the faces of) those who remember it. On a serious note, the cry for dignity and the rights of the people cannot be silenced. History bears witness to atrocities committed in the name of progress. The rights we enjoy today were hard won, and it's up to us to protect them. The stories of those who suffered during the Emergency will never be forgotten. The forced sterilisation programme left scars that will take years to heal. Innocent lives were forever changed by the brutal hand of authority. How did you come into contact with JP? Did you anticipate that a students' movement would lead to a step like the Emergency? When we took out a protest march on March 8, 1974, demanding improvement in hostel and mess conditions, and the reduction of college fees and bus fare, it was purely a students' movement. There was barely any participation by politicians. After the protest turned violent and its scale got bigger, we met JP at his Kadamkuan residence (in Patna) and requested him to lead the movement. He was unwilling initially, but agreed on one condition — that protesters would not engage in any kind of violence. We had no idea that the movement would shake the regime of Indira Gandhi, who had emerged as a strong and authoritative leader after India's victory over Pakistan in 1971 and the creation of Bangladesh. JP built the momentum in such a way – from Patna's Gandhi Maidan to Delhi's Ramlila Maidan, with all top Opposition leaders joining in – that Indira was left clueless. After 50 years, what are your reflections on the Emergency? After all these years, I feel Indira still had respect for democracy – she announced fresh elections in 1977 and humbly accepted her defeat. Later, she worked hard to come back to power in 1980. As for the present NDA regime, these feel like times of undeclared Emergency. The present dispensation has scant respect for democratic institutions. Central investigation agencies have been working at the behest of the government for political witch hunts. I have been singularly targeted for years. But I am not one to cow down. The NDA government's counter to this is that the Opposition parties are only bitter because of their inability to defeat the BJP? Go to any educational institution, you will see stamps of the RSS and the BJP in their functioning and appointments. Talk to their rival political parties, they will tell you about political vendetta. Despite the NDA doing so well against us, PM Narendra Modi is still targeting me. It shows that I am among the few standing up to him, opposing his authoritative style. Finally, how do you see the coming Assembly polls in Bihar? Tejashwi Yadav (Lalu's son) has been carrying the burden of responsibility well. He has made Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar hold recruitment for government jobs. The Nitish government has also had to raise the social security pension from Rs 400 to Rs 1,100 per month, given Tejashwi's old assurance of raising it to Rs 1,500 per month if we formed the government in Bihar. I have been cautioning people against falling for false promises in a poll year. PM Modi has been raining jumlas during his Bihar visits. People should be cautious about the rain of loud and unrealistic announcements.
