Latest news with #Japan-U.S.SecurityTreaty
Asahi Shimbun
7 days ago
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
Documents show secret pact if U.S. troops sent to Korea conflict
A copy of a cable sent in November 1959 regarding the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (Provided by Takashi Nobuo) Declassified U.S. documents show that Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi agreed in the late 1950s to allow the United States to deploy its forces based in Japan in the event of a contingency on the Korean Peninsula without consulting Tokyo. The documents were U.S. diplomatic cables sent between 1958 and 1960 regarding negotiations for the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty between Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama and U.S. Ambassador to Japan Douglas MacArthur II. After becoming prime minister in 1957, Kishi called for a more equal relationship with the United States and in revising the security treaty he wanted a prior consultation before U.S. troops based in Japan that could be deployed for missions other than the defense of Japan. But in July 1959, MacArthur made it clear that the United States could not have a prior consultation with Japan if troops had to be sent immediately in support of U.N. troops if the Korean War resumed. Kishi faced a dilemma because if Washington was allowed to send troops to the Korean Peninsula without prior notification, it would demonstrate that the two nations were far from the equal status that Kishi argued for. The Asahi Shimbun was shown copies of the documents found by Takashi Shinobu, a professor emeritus at Nihon University in Tokyo and an expert on the history of Japan-U.S. diplomacy, at the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. A document from August 1959 had Fujiyama explaining that he "had very carefully considered' the matter with Kishi. Fujiyama proposed that a military conflict on the Korean Peninsula be made the sole exception to the prior consultation system under the revised security treaty. Fujiyama pointed out that the notification system would be the most important characteristic that showed the revised security treaty placed the two nations on a more equal footing. But as negotiations were continuing between Fujiyama and MacArthur, protests broke out in Japan by those who opposed a revision of the security treaty on the grounds it would drag Japan into an American war. The documents show that in November 1959, Kishi met with MacArthur and expressed fear that the treaty itself would be threatened and his own administration would fall if the issue was handled in the wrong manner. Kishi had Fujiyama propose an agreement between the two sides on the Korean Peninsula deployment issue in the form of confidential minutes for the first meeting of the security consultative body under the revised security treaty. Fujiyama and MacArthur reached such an agreement prior to the January 1960 visit by Kishi to the United States to sign the revised security treaty. The existence of the secret pact came to light after the then Democratic Party of Japan took control of the government in 2009. A panel of experts determined the agreement on no prior consultation for the deploying of U.S. troops to the Korean Peninsula was the only secret pact clearly agreed to by the two sides. But although a draft of that pact was uncovered, few documents related to the negotiations that led to that agreement were found in the Foreign Ministry archives. Nobuo said the lack of documents on the Japanese side was a reflection of the inward-looking stance of Japanese diplomacy that relied on secret pacts to protect the government of that time.
Newsweek
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
US Ally Confronts Armed Chinese Ships in Disputed Waters
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. China's coast guard entered the territorial waters of the Japan-administered Senkaku Islands Wednesday morning in the East China Sea in what the agency called a "rights-protection patrol." Newsweek reached out to the Chinese foreign ministry via email with a request for comment. Why It Matters The uninhabited Senkakus, known in China as the Diaoyu Islands, are at the center of a long-running territorial dispute between the two neighbors. Taiwan also claims the island group. Tokyo nationalized the islands in 2012, drawing strong protest from Beijing, which has since progressively stepped up patrols by its increasingly assertive coast guard—moves Japan sees as attempts to alter the status quo. What To Know Wednesday morning, four Chinese coast guard cutters sailed "one after the other" into territorial waters off the Senkakus, NHK cited Japan's coast guard as saying. This file photos shows a Chinese Coast Guard offshore patrol vessel No. 2302 operating near the Senkaku Islands. This file photos shows a Chinese Coast Guard offshore patrol vessel No. 2302 operating near the Senkaku Islands. Getty Images All four of the vessels were said to have been equipped with deck-mounted guns. They departed from the zone after about two hours, the Japanese agency said, adding that it had broadcast radio warnings and continues to monitor the situation. It was the first China coast guard "intrusion" into the territorial waters, or waters extending 12 nautical miles (13.8) off the coastline, since March 7. Last year, Chinese government ships entered the contiguous zone—an area that extends 12 nautical miles beyond territorial waters—on a record 353 days, according to Tokyo. Monday marked the 175th consecutive day that Chinese government vessels have been observed in the contiguous zone. The day before, Japan's coast guard said it had expelled a Chinese oceanographic survey vessel that was operating inside Japan's exclusive economic zone, roughly 140 miles from the Senkakus' Taisho Island. China operates more than twice as many coast guard vessels over 1,000 tons in displacement as Japan—and many of them are more heavily armed. China's introduction of a coast guard law, empowering crews to use force to assert Beijing's sovereignty claims, intensified concerns in Tokyo. What People Are Saying China's Coast Guard said in a statement: "The China Coast Guard 1306 fleet patrolled the territorial waters of China's Diaoyu Dao on May 14. This is a rights-protection patrol activity carried out in accordance with the law." What's Next The Senkaku Islands are likely to remain a source of friction as China continues its efforts to normalize patrols there. U.S. officials have repeatedly affirmed that the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty applies to the Senkakus, though Japan's cautious handling of the dispute suggests the matter is unlikely to escalate into an armed confrontation in the near future.
Yomiuri Shimbun
08-05-2025
- Business
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan-U.S. Alliance: Correct Trump's Factual Error, Strengthen Defense Cooperation
If U.S. President Donald Trump continues to bloviate about his dissatisfaction with the Japan-U.S. security framework, it could have a negative influence on the alliance and its deterrent power could be diminished. While he may aim to get the upper hand in negotiations with Japan, Trump's assertion that 'we pay hundreds of billions of dollars to defend them [Japan], but they don't pay anything' is clearly wrong. There is an urgent need to correct this factual error and deepen Japan-U.S. defense cooperation. Regarding the Japan-U.S. intergovernmental talks on U.S. tariff measures, Trump initially insisted that the cost of military assistance would also be a subject of negotiations. However, in the end the issue has been set aside. Nevertheless, the Trump administration's assertions that the United States is forced to shoulder many defense burdens for its allies are likely to continue. The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty stipulates the U.S. obligation to defend Japan, while Japan provides bases to the United States. In addition, the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement stipulates that the U.S. side bears the cost of stationing U.S. troops in Japan, excluding land rent and other base-related costs. However, in the 1970s, as the U.S. side demanded that Japan bear a greater burden, the two sides concluded another agreement to increase expenditures by the Japanese side. As a result, the Japanese side's share of the cost of stationing U.S. forces in Japan for the five-year period from fiscal 2022 has risen to over ¥1 trillion. The Japan-U.S. security framework cannot be called a one-sided setup, and it can be said that it balances the obligations of both Japan and the United States. Furthermore, Japan enacted the security-related law in 2015 to make it possible for the Self-Defense Forces to protect U.S. naval and other vessels. The Japanese government should persistently explain to the U.S. side the actual situation in which Japan supports the activities of the U.S. military. At the same time, as the security environment around Japan is deteriorating, it is also essential to deepen Japan-U.S. defense cooperation. A possible option would be for Japan to enhance its response capabilities through joint development of defense equipment with the United States and increase Japan's purchases of U.S.-made equipment. Cooperation in ship-building and other areas is worthy of consideration. However, there have been many cases in which Japan purchased equipment from the United States, but the delivery has been delayed. A total of six state-of-the-art F-35 stealth fighter jets, which were scheduled for deployment in Japan in fiscal 2024, have yet to arrive. This will make it difficult to gain support from the Japanese people if Japan intends to buy more equipment from the United States. Japan also needs to enhance its defense capabilities. The government is in the process of increasing defense spending to a total of about ¥43 trillion over the five years from fiscal 2023. But the government reportedly may not be able to procure equipment as planned due to soaring prices. Increasing the spending will be an important issue to consider. (From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 8, 2025)
Nikkei Asia
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Nikkei Asia
It's time for Japan to rethink its security dependency on Washington
Robert Dujarric is co-director of the Institute of Contemporary Asian Studies at the Japan campus of Temple University. The cornerstone of Tokyo's security is the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. But what matters most is not the American pledge to defend Japan -- treaties, unlike private contracts, aren't enforceable. No government will go to war solely because a document says it must.
Asahi Shimbun
01-05-2025
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
Survey shows growing anxiety in Japan over future Asian war
After enjoying eight decades of peace since World War II, a growing number of Japanese fear Japan will be caught up in a major war in Asia, with 62 percent in a new survey saying such a conflict is likely. That marks a significant increase from the 50 percent in a similar survey conducted a decade ago. In a recent Asahi Shimbun survey, respondents were asked to assess the likelihood of Japan becoming involved in a large-scale war in Asia at some point in the future. The survey found that 12 percent said a war is 'very likely' and 50 percent said it is 'likely.' Meanwhile, 30 percent believed a war is unlikely and just 5 percent said there is 'no chance' of a war. This marks a notable shift in public sentiment from the 2015 survey, where opinions were more evenly split: 50 percent saw war as likely, while 46 percent disagreed. The results suggest that more Japanese now feel the country is entering what some have described as a "new pre-war era." Regional security concerns are closely linked to perceptions of an increasingly assertive China. Among respondents who view China as a threat--a third of the total--22 percent said a war involving Japan is 'very likely,' nearly double the overall average of 12 percent. Doubts about Japan's alliance with the United States seem to fuel unease. Despite the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, only 15 percent of respondents believe the United States would 'definitely protect' Japan in the event of a crisis. A striking 77 percent expressed skepticism about Washington's commitment to Japan's defense. Within this pessimistic group, 67 percent believe a major war involving Japan is likely. The ongoing war in Ukraine, now in its fourth year, also seems to be influencing Japanese public opinion. Among those who reported a strong interest in current global conflicts--a third of the total--72 percent said a major war in Asia involving Japan is likely. The survey was conducted by mail between late February and early April among 3,000 randomly selected voters across the country. Of these, 63 percent, or 1,899 individuals, returned valid responses.
