Latest news with #LandAct
The Hindu
11-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Licensed surveyors eligbility test on July 27: Ponguleti
Revenue Minister Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy announced a comprehensive revamp of land services by appointing one Gram Panchayat Officer (GPO) for each revenue village and 4 to 6 licensed surveyors per mandal, depending on the land area. At a review meeting with revenue officials on Friday, he said final eligibility test for licensed surveyors will be held on July 27, followed by lab practical exams on July 28 and 29 under the supervision of JNTU. Results will be declared on August 12, and those who qualify will undergo 40 days of apprenticeship training. He said that 10,000 applications were received for licensed surveyor positions after the government made survey maps mandatory for land registration under the Land Act. Training for 7,000 candidates commenced on May 26 across 33 centres and will conclude soon. The training for the remaining 3,000 candidates will begin in August second week. He further announced that a GPO will be appointed for every revenue village. So far, 3,554 candidates, mostly from among existing VROs and VRLs, have qualified in an earlier eligibility test. Responding to requests from revenue staff associations, the government will hold the test once again on July 27 to provide another opportunity for eligible candidates. To resolve long-standing land issues, the Minister said that the pilot resurvey project has been completed in five unmapped villages, covering a total of 2,988 acres. 'This is a significant step in bringing transparency, accurate land records and clarity of ownership to farmers and landholders,' he said.
Mail & Guardian
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Local political capture impedes SA's post-1994 planning and development
Political interference, weak capacity and patronage hinder South Africa's post-apartheid planning, leading to dysfunctional local government. Photo: Delwyn Verasamy/M&G South Africa's planning and development trajectory has been positioned as a tool for transformation, equity and redress since the country's democratic transition in 1994. However, the promise of developmental governance and spatial justice has not been substantially realised after 30 years of democracy. This failure is not accidental but symptomatic of a structural problem — planning and development cannot thrive in the hands of local-level politicians who are often driven by patronage, electoral interests and administrative incapacity rather than long-term strategic vision or inclusive development imperatives. Before 1994, South African planning was rooted in apartheid ideology. Spatial planning served as a tool of segregation, with policies like the 1950 Group Areas Act and 1913 Land Act dispossessing black South Africans and relegating them to the peripheries of urban and economic life. Planning institutions operated with a top-down (rather than bottom-up), technocratic logic, serving the goals of white minority rule. Development was narrowly defined, often conflated with infrastructure delivery for white areas and the broader African, Indian and coloured populations were systematically excluded from both the process and the benefits. Despite sporadic attempts at 'homeland' development and urban townships upgrades in the 1980s, planning under apartheid entrenched inequality. By 1994, South Africa had one of the world's most spatially fragmented and racially skewed urban and rural systems. Post-apartheid South Africa inherited this divided spatial logic. In response, the government developed progressive legislative frameworks to guide transformation, including the Reconstruction and Development Programme in 1994 aimed at meeting basic needs and rebuilding infrastructure (later replaced by the Growth, Employment and Redistribution plan). The Development Facilitation Act of 1995 emphasised integrated development. The Municipal Structures Act (1998) and Municipal Systems Act (2000) established Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) as the primary tool for local-level planning. The National Development Plan 2030 outlines long-term inclusive growth and spatial equity objectives. While these frameworks were progressive, their implementation has been marred by political interference, weak capacity and administrative paralysis at the local government level. Instead, the promise of 'developmental local government' has often produced dysfunctional municipalities. According to the 2023 State of Local Government Report by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, only 5% of municipalities are classified as well-functioning, while more than 60% are underperforming or dysfunctional. Auditor general Tsakani Maluleke's 2022-23 municipal audit revealed that only 38 out of 257 municipalities received clean audits and unauthorised, irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure reached R20.4 billion. Theoretical models underpinned post-apartheid planning, such as communicative planning, emphasising stakeholder participation and collaborative governance. These ideals assumed rational dialogue and shared visions for development. However, in practice, the technocratic rationality of planners has often clashed with the political rationality of local councillors, who view planning instruments like IDPs as tools to secure votes and allocate tenders. Marxist geographers such as David Harvey and Edward Soja remind us that space is always political. This forms clientelism in South Africa, where political allegiance, rather than necessity, is a mediator for development access. Thus, rather than serving as a forum for equitable growth, planning becomes a site of power struggles. Furthermore, municipalities imitate planning frameworks (for instance, by drafting IDPs) without internalising or implementing them, as explained by institutional isomorphism derived from new institutional theory. This leads to form without substance — documents are produced but transformation remains elusive. Local politicians, often lacking in technical understanding of spatial planning, play a vital role in shaping development priorities. Rather than being facilitators of professional planning, many become gatekeepers. Municipal councils routinely override technical assessments to prioritise politically expedient projects. Tender processes are manipulated to reward loyalists and community participation processes are reduced to box-ticking exercises. In addition, the planning apparatus has been weakened by cadre deployment. When qualified professionals are sidelined or enlisted in political conflicts, evidence-based planning is undermined. This trend is more pronounced in small and rural municipalities, where planning departments are under-resourced or non-existent. As a result, municipal spatial development frameworks, meant to guide land use and infrastructure investment, are either outdated or ignored. Despite massive investment, South Africa remains spatially unequal. According to Statistics South Africa figures from 2022, more than a third of South Africans live in informal settlements or backyard dwellings. Access to basic services like water and sanitation has stagnated, with some rural municipalities regressing coverage. Economic opportunities remain concentrated in urban cores, with rural youth facing unemployment rates above 60%. This reflects a more profound crisis — planning is not merely a technical function but a state capacity issue. When the state at the local level is captured by party politics, service delivery and equitable development become casualties. Suppose South Africa was to realise the spatial justice envisioned in its Constitution and policies. A shift must occur in that case; Depoliticise planning functions by ensuring professional planners are insulated from political interference. This could mean ringfencing planning directorates within municipalities under provincial oversight. Re-professionalise local government by investing in skills development, enforcing minimum competency frameworks and creating independent planning tribunals. Strengthen accountability mechanisms, including public audits, citizen review panels for IDPs and real-time transparency in tender awards. Restructure spatial governance by rethinking the role of metros, district municipalities and traditional authorities in planning, especially in rural contexts. The failure of post-1994 planning and development in South Africa is not a consequence of the absence of vision or policy; it is a by-product of the political hijacking of development processes at the local level. Until we insulate planning from political expediency, transformation, equity and sustainability objectives will remain lip service. Planning is too important to be left in the hands of politicians. Siyanda Kate is a PhD candidate (political studies) at Nelson Mandela University and a lecturer at Walter Sisulu University.
IOL News
26-06-2025
- Business
- IOL News
Bridging the gap: essential insights on property ownership for young black South Africans
Many black citizens have been denied the opportunity to fully understand the benefits and pathways to property ownership. The reality is that many segments of South African society have been historically disadvantaged when it comes to access to property ownership and understanding how it can be used to build generational wealth, says Stefan Botha, the Director at Rainmaker Marketing, in response to an enquiry from "Independent Media Property". Many younger black South Africans were unable to learn about property ownership from their parents, as it had not been a legal or practical option for previous generations. As an example, he said black South Africans were officially allowed to own property throughout the country in 1991 with the repeal of the Land Act and the Group Areas Act. He said that consequently, property ownership was rarely, if ever, discussed around the dining room table. 'This remains a significant issue in South Africa. Many citizens have been denied the opportunity to fully understand the benefits and pathways to property ownership, and we must work to change that. "One major consequence of this history is a widespread lack of understanding about good versus bad debt. As a result, many South Africans are heavily burdened by debt and have little disposable income, often due to acquiring short-term debt for cars and luxury goods. "This puts both individuals and the broader economy at a disadvantage,' Botha said. Last week, "Independent Media Property" reported that many young people do not understand the mechanics of buying or investing in property or how to plan financially for long-term ownership. Tsekiso Machike, spokesperson to the Minister of Human Settlements (DHS) Thembi Simelane, said the country must enhance financial literacy and property education, "therefore, incorporate property and financial literacy into high school and tertiary curricula". Machike said the country must also encourage entrepreneurship in real estate. 'Youth entrepreneurs in real estate are underrepresented but can unlock job creation and innovation in the sector.' The department said youth representation in South Africa's homeownership and property sectors is currently limited, adding that there is a noticeable shift towards investment-focused property purchases. 'Economic challenges remain a significant hurdle, but initiatives and advocacy efforts are emerging to support and empower young individuals in these sectors.' The ministry, which facilitates the creation of sustainable human settlements and improved quality of household life, said there is also a need to improve access to financing; promote First Home Finance to be more accessible, better publicised and easier to navigate for the youth, since many youths are excluded from traditional lending due to low or irregular incomes, lack of credit history or student debt. The property and lifestyle marketing agency said that a key aspect of this problem is that people often over-extend themselves financially by taking on the wrong kinds of debt, which leads to poor credit records. It said this creates a vicious cycle, making it even harder for individuals to enter the property market. There is also a critical need for greater education around improving and rebuilding credit scores and financial histories. This kind of knowledge is essential to helping more South Africans qualify for property financing in the future, it added. Botha, an experienced property expert, said he believes the responsibility lies with both the private sector and the public sector in working together to drive meaningful change in the local property and economic sector. He said from a private sector perspective, education around property ownership is absolutely critical. 'It starts with helping people understand the basics of property ownership - how debt can be acquired, how it works and how it can be used as a tool to build long-term wealth through property.' He said that from a public sector perspective, there needs to be a more unified and coordinated approach to promoting property ownership across South Africa. 'In my view, the government can play a much greater role in supporting and funding initiatives that provide property education and access, ensuring these efforts are rolled out nationally and reach all market segments.'
Vancouver Sun
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Vancouver Sun
David Eby defends Downtown Eastside adviser appointment — and firing
VICTORIA — An unhappy Premier David Eby met with reporters this week to explain why he terminated Michael Bryant as the NDP government's special adviser on Vancouver's Downtown Eastside. Eby had taken a personal hand in recruiting Bryant, having been impressed with his performance as head of the B.C. Legal Aid Society. 'He did some very heavy lifting there, some significant restructuring of that organization in the context of a new government coming in with a different approach, when I was attorney general,' Eby told reporters on Tuesday. 'I'm grateful for his work there. It was why I thought he would be an appropriate fit to do the work in the Downtown Eastside.' Never mind Bryant's sudden and unexplained departure from the Legal Aid Society last year. Eby professed not to know anything about that — nor, apparently, did he ask. A daily roundup of Opinion pieces from the Sun and beyond. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of Informed Opinion will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. Bryant's experience in the political arena came as a cabinet minister in Ontario, including a four-year stint as attorney general. He later wrote a book about his struggle with alcoholism. That outsider status was one of the reasons Eby was attracted to him. 'I wanted someone to come in with fresh eyes, to have a look at the thing with no connections to the neighbourhood, but who had an empathy and understanding for the challenges of addiction, an understanding of the law and understanding the realities of politics. He seemed to check those boxes.' Eby still thinks Bryant was the right choice. When a reporter asked if there were no better qualified candidates in B.C., the premier bristled. 'With respect, I understand you disagree with the appointment,' he replied. 'But he was in this province. He worked at Legal Aid. It was my feeling he would be a good appointment for it.' Eby bristled a second time when a reporter asked if it were a mistake for the government to have 'hidden' the Bryant appointment from the public. 'Well, you're wrong. It certainly wasn't hidden. Mr. Bryant was open. He was quite open in his meetings in the Downtown Eastside,' the premier replied. Rather, the problem was a failure to communicate the news to the public. 'There is definitely an issue in our communication shop not getting that information bulletin out about his appointment,' the premier conceded. 'But you're absolutely wrong. He was operating quite openly. Multiple meetings with the mayor, with senior non-profit operators. This was not a secret.' The premier's not-a-secret defence recalls how, before the last election, his government launched a public consultation on changes to the Land Act without telling the public. If the Bryant appointment weren't secret, it wouldn't have made such a big splash in the news cycle when it was reported by Global TV last week. Nor would the appointment have become such a flashpoint in question period in the legislature for much of last week. Nor would there be lingering questions about Bryant's exit with a $75,000 payout for a half-finished assignment. Eventually, Eby had to admit that secrecy had dealt a fatal blow to the Bryant appointment. 'It should have been announced at the beginning. There was intent to send out an information bulletin that never got sent out,' he said. 'It would have been a lot better had the information bulletin been released as planned. And it wasn't. That was a serious mistake and, unfortunately, it ended up where we are today.' A second factor embroiling the Bryant appointment was the lingering controversy over his departure from Legal Aid a year ago. The premier made the concern relevant by insisting that Bryant's record at Legal Aid had qualified him for the Downtown Eastside assignment. Eby conceded both factors — the secrecy and the Legal Aid departure — in fielding a question from Rumina Daya, the Global TV reporter who broke the story of the Bryant appointment. 'Rumina, your question illustrates exactly why we've had to terminate the contract,' the premier replied. 'It (the story) became about Michael Bryant and apparently about Legal Aid B.C. when it needs to be about the Downtown Eastside and it needs to be about the people there. And that's why we terminated the contract.' So back to square one on the DTES? Not quite, Eby claimed. 'Actually, I was quite heartened and excited by the work that Mr. Bryant has done and thought that he was going to provide us with some very helpful work. And in fact, his briefings to date have provided a foundation for us to be able to move forward,' said the premier. 'I look forward to be able to share more as we develop our work on the Downtown Eastside, but it will go ahead without Mr. Bryant.' The government, he added, was not currently looking for a replacement for the ousted special adviser. What did Bryant say when Eby broke the news of the termination? 'I haven't spoken to Mr. Bryant,' the premier replied. Eby personally selected Bryant as his fresh pair of eyes on the Downtown Eastside. He left the firing to staffers in the Ministry of Children and Family Development. vpalmer@
IOL News
12-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Unhousing the Rainbow: a reflection on South Africa's housing crisis
By listening more than speaking, observing more than acting, Previn Vedan says he witnessed firsthand the persistent struggles for equitable housing and land rights in South Africa. Image: Supplied Previn Vedan In 2022, I was a victim of a violent attack that left me disabled. The physical toll, and adjustments to my new adaptive lifestyle, necessitated a period of healing and reflection. During this time, I reflected deeply on the systemic issues facing South Africa, and I rediscovered the purpose that once ignited my passion for justice. I immersed myself in the very communities that first inspired my commitment to human rights. By listening more than speaking, observing more than acting, I witnessed first-hand the persistent struggles for equitable housing and land rights in South Africa. These experiences reaffirmed my belief that the fight for dignity and justice is far from over. I have walked these streets. I have argued in the courts. I have buried the victims of neglect. I never left the struggle - I simply needed time to find the right words. Now, I have written them. 'Unhousing the Rainbow' is not just about land or laws. It is about dignity. It is about who we become as a nation. This is my long-form piece (divided in 10 parts) on housing and hope in South Africa. Previn Vedan says the fight for dignity and justice is far from over. Image: Supplied Part 1: Finding the Words Again: Reflection, Struggle, and Housing's Past From Land Act to Group Areas: A Legacy Written in Brick and Blood South Africa's housing crisis cannot be divorced from its history. In 1913, the colonial regime passed the Natives Land Act, confining the Black majority to just 7% of the country's land - later expanded to 13% by 1936. This legislation marked the beginning of systematic dispossession. Black families were uprooted from ancestral lands and herded into 'native reserves' and later, dusty townships on the fringes of cities. The apartheid government doubled down with the Group Areas Act of 1950, which enforced strict residential segregation. Over the next few decades an estimated 3.5 million Black South Africans were forcibly removed from so-called 'white' areas in one of history's largest mass removals - a figure that does not include the thousands of Indian and Coloured South Africans that were also uprooted from places like Cato Manor and District Six under the same brutal laws. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Entire thriving neighbourhoods - like Magazine Barracks in Durban - were demolished, their people scattered and their histories erased in the name of racial planning. But these policies were not only about physical separation. They engineered apartheid's spatial economy. Black, Indian and Coloured communities were deliberately placed far from city centers and stripped of access to quality schools, hospitals, and employment. By design, they endured disparate levels of service provision and opportunity. In these neglected townships - roads went unpaved, water and electricity were afterthoughts, and commuting to work meant long, costly journeys. The scars of this spatial injustice remain deeply etched. Sober brick houses with neat yards may stand in one area - while just across an invisible line - crowded informal settlements sprawl without sewage, greenery or recreational space. The Group Areas Act did not just segregate communities, it entrenched a hierarchy of opportunity. Part two of 'Unhousing the Rainbow' will be published next Friday. *Vedan is a South African lawyer, political activist, and advocate for social justice. Cape Times
