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Indian Express
a day ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Dynasty and division: The crisis in Dalit politics in Maharashtra
Written by Upendra Sonpimple Dalit politics in Maharashtra is undergoing a crisis of identity and leadership, marked by internal divisions and dynastic claims. At the centre of this conflict are two grandsons of B R Ambedkar — Prakash Ambedkar, leader of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA), and Anandraj Ambedkar, head of the Republican Sena. Both claim to be the true torchbearers of Ambedkar's ideology, yet their rivalry and political strategies raise critical questions about the future of Dalit leadership. The situation intensified when Rajratan Ambedkar's faction of the Republican Party of India (RPI) allied with Eknath Shinde's Shiv Sena for the upcoming local elections. This alliance, framed as a union of 'Shiv Shakti and Bhim Shakti', was seen by many as a betrayal of Ambedkarite principles. Ambedkar had openly opposed Hindu right-wing organisations like the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha, making such partnerships ideologically contradictory. This political manoeuvring reveals a deeper issue: The increasing reliance on hereditary legitimacy in Dalit politics. Both Prakash and Rajratan Ambedkar have used their surname to claim moral and political authority, particularly among Neo-Buddhists and Mahar communities. This approach contradicts Ambedkar's own rejection of dynastic rule. As he once stated, 'What is more important, the right of the prince or the welfare of the people?… Even the best friends of the States will not say that the welfare of the people should be sacrificed for the sake of maintaining the rights of the prince.' Ambedkar's vision was rooted in democratic and rational leadership, not bloodline. He did not appoint his own son, Yashwant, as his political successor. Instead, he left the leadership of the Scheduled Castes Federation open to capable followers, regardless of lineage. Yet today, Dalit politics in Maharashtra often promotes the idea that only Ambedkar's descendants can lead, sidelining emerging voices from non-Ambedkar descendants. The VBA, for instance, has campaigned on the notion of 'pure Dalit leadership', implying that non-Ambedkar descendants are self-serving or corrupt. This rhetoric not only undermines democratic values but also mirrors the logic of caste, where hereditary superiority justifies power and raises urgent questions: Does dynastic politics threaten the emergence of new Dalit leadership? Is the movement shifting from ideological mobilisation to emotional loyalty? Can hereditary politics effectively challenge Brahminical dominance, or does it replicate its structure? Historically, the Dalit movement in Maharashtra drew strength from anti-caste rationalism, beginning with Mahatma Phule's Satyashodhak Movement and culminating in Ambedkar's fight against untouchability and caste oppression. Today, however, dynastic politics risks undermining this legacy. Even among Mangs, there is a search for descendants of Annabhau Sathe to lead, reinforcing hereditary rather than ideological commitment. Moreover, Ambedkar descendants/ leaders have increasingly adopted soft-Hindutva and loose secularism, visiting Hindu and Muslim religious sites to gain broader support. The VBA's past alliance with Uddhav Thackeray's Shiv Sena exemplifies this trend, raising concerns about ideological dilution. If alliances are formed without ideological clarity, can claims of bloodline purity hold any moral ground? This shift mirrors the caste system's logic, where hereditary superiority justifies power. In politics, such logic suppresses democratic participation and stifles dissent. The master-slave dynamic — where followers are emotionally bound to dynastic leaders — creates psychological dependency, limiting the scope for revolt or alternative leadership. The Dalit movement in Maharashtra is already experiencing political demobilisation. If dynastic politics continues to dominate, it may extinguish the space for critical thinking, grassroots mobilisation, and ideological unity. Dalit leadership must become more radical and inclusive, breaking free from caste-based patronage and fostering a community that is politically active and ideologically grounded. At the national level, Mayawati's succession planning within BSP — passing leadership to her nephew — also reflects dynastic tendencies. However, in Maharashtra, the narrative of 'pure blood' creates a false consciousness, distancing Dalits from their ideological roots and weakening the movement's transformative potential. The emotional outrage surrounding hereditary leadership is anti-Dalit, anti-Ambedkarite, and anti-democratic. It suppresses the rise of new voices and creates a culture of obedience rather than critical engagement. If this trend continues, it could lead to the ideological erosion and eventual stagnation of the Dalit movement. To revive the movement, Dalit politics must return to its rational, anti-caste, and democratic foundations. Leadership should be based on commitment, capability, and ideological clarity — not lineage. Only then can the movement reclaim its transformative potential and truly honor the legacy of Ambedkar and Phule. The writer, a social justice and caste discourse scholar, is a New India Foundation fellow (2018-19) and Adam Smith fellow (2024-25)
The Hindu
16-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
The need to protect India's linguistic secularism
India's diversity in religion and language is one of the primary factors which protects the secular character of the nation, ensuring its unity and integrity. But while religion and language are the two most crucial aspects of any culture, these are also the predominant cross-cultural barriers. This is clearly visible in recent communal tensions and the violence in Maharashtra. Secularism in India is different from what the West practises. When the concept originated in England in the mid-19th century, it was explained that there should be complete separation between the state and religion without criticising any of the prevalent religious beliefs. India too accepted this notion and incorporated the concept in the Constitution in the form of rights to religious freedom. These rights are based on the principles of religious tolerance and equality. Every person has the equal right to freedom of conscience and to profess, practise and propagate his religion. This makes India truly secular as the state does not have its own religion. However, the unique aspect of Indian secularism is not only related to religion but it is also concerned with language. Indian secularism is neither pro-religion or language, nor against. Yet it is not neutral either. It is incorporated in the Constitution as a state policy and it empowers the state to take steps against communalism, be it religious or linguistic. Official vs national language This is the reason why we do not and cannot have a national language. In order to protect linguistic diversity, the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution includes 22 languages. As India is a unitary federation, that is, a Union of States, Article 343 enshrines that the official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script. The States are free to choose their own official language. This arrangement is due to the fact that in India, States are culturally integrated and no State is permitted to go out of it in the name of distinct language or culture. Article 29 incorporates that any section of citizens of India including minority groups shall have the right to protect their language, script or culture, and that language cannot be the ground for discrimination. According to the 2011 Census, India has 121 languages and 270 mother tongues. About 96.71% population of the country have one of the 22 scheduled languages as their mother tongue. Finally, the Census says that the 121 languages are presented in two parts, languages included in the Eighth Schedule, and languages not included (99) in the Eighth Schedule. Respecting diversity Such diversity needs to be protected; each and every language irrespective of region or State must be shown respect. This is the only way to protect India's linguistic secularism. Many southern and northeastern States have resisted the imposition of Hindi, citing fears of cultural domination. Dravidian movements in Tamil Nadu historically opposed Hindi imposition, favouring Tamil and English. Maharashtra, however, has emerged as the most sensitive State so far as the language debate is concerned. The recent violence against the non-Marathi population is the manifestation of identity politics. Definitely, it is not to protect its cultural identity. Had it been related to the protection of culture, the 'protectors' of Marathi language would have considered that 'tolerance' and 'liberality' are the two pillars of India's unity in diversity. India has always accepted different religions, ideas, lifestyles, food habits etc., mainly because of its liberal and tolerant attitude. In a globalising world, a conservative leaning towards religion or language will lead to a fragmentation of society and tear apart the secular fabric. Political parties have the onus to ensure the protection of India's diversity which has been well shielded by the Constitution. C.B.P. Srivastava is President, Centre for Applied Research in Governance, Delhi
Time of India
06-07-2025
- Time of India
Landslide leaves 45 Kailash Manasarovar pilgrims stuck in Pithoragarh
Pithoragarh: A heavy landslide delayed the Kailash Manasarovar Yatra from Dharchula, a border town in Uttarakhand's Pithoragarh district, to Gunji on Sunday, forcing a temporary halt before the first batch of 45 pilgrims resumed their journey later in the afternoon. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The pilgrims started their journey from Delhi on Friday and are scheduled to cross the Lipulekh Pass on July 10. They reached Dharchula from Tanakpur on Saturday and were slated to leave for Gunji, a crucial point on the route to both Kailash Manasarovar and Adi Kailash, at 9am on Sunday. However, a massive overnight landslide at Tawaghat blocked the Dharchula–Lipulekh road. "All vehicular movement was stopped," said Bhupendra Singh Mahar, district disaster management officer of Pithoragarh. The information reached Dharchula early Sunday morning, prompting authorities to temporarily suspend the yatra. The tehsil administration, along with road-clearing teams, reached Tawaghat and supervised debris removal. The route remained blocked for several hours and was finally cleared around noon, Mahar confirmed. D S Bisht, manager of a tourist guest house in Dharchula where the pilgrims stayed during the halt, said, "The yatra was put on hold for around five hours. After the road was cleared, the first batch departed Dharchula shortly after 2pm and reached Gunji, which is around 80 km away, by 6 pm. The pilgrims will stay in Gunji for two days to acclimatise before proceeding toward Lipulekh." The landslide also impacted the Adi Kailash and Om Parvat Yatras, stranding several vehicles and pilgrims at Tawaghat. Officials later confirmed that vehicular movement had returned to normal later in the day. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Separately, four Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) personnel were injured — one seriously — when a slide struck their camp near the Ailagarh suspension bridge along the Tanakpur–Tawaghat highway. They were shifted to a hospital in Pithoragarh, while more than 100 vehicles, including yatri convoys and official units, were stranded for hours. Authorities said the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and local administration are actively monitoring the yatra and assisting with logistics and safety. With more batches expected in the coming days, officials are keeping a close watch on weather conditions and road accessibility in the region. The stretch from Dharchula to Gunji has been blocked more than ten times in the past month alone due to recurring pre-monsoon landslides.
Hindustan Times
20-06-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
NIA court rejects Navlakha's plea for shifting to Delhi
MUMBAI: A special National Investigation Agency (NIA) court on Thursday rejected a plea by civil rights activist Gautam Navlakha, arrested in connection with the 2018 Elgar Parishad-Bhima Koregaon case, to permanently reside in Delhi. Allowing Navlakha to travel beyond the jurisdiction of the court was entirely different from allowing him to permanently reside outside the court's jurisdiction, the special court said while rejecting his plea. Navlakha, who is currently out on bail, had moved the court in April this year, saying it had become uneconomical and burdensome for him to live in Mumbai and sought permission to permanently reside in Delhi. Bail conditions require the activist, now in his 70s, to stay within the territorial jurisdiction of the special NIA court trying the case. In his plea, Navlakha had pointed out that while his permanent residence, employment and social support system was in Delhi, where he used to live with his partner Sahba Hussain, the couple had been struggling to find accommodation in Mumbai for nearly four months due to the ongoing case. The plea noted that Navlakha was unemployed and financially dependent on friends and family, which made it difficult for him to sustain a stable lifestyle in Mumbai. He also wished to live close to his ailing, 86-year-old sister in Delhi. The activist assured to make himself available before the trial court and the investigating officer whenever required and to continue to abide by all other bail conditions imposed by the high court and Supreme Court, if his plea was allowed. Special sessions judge Chakor S Baviskar said the 'unnecessary application deserves to be rejected' as the high court had not granted such liberty either to the trial court or to Navlakha. 'At the cost of repetition, I mention that, granting permission to the accused to travel beyond the jurisdiction of the court is a different thing and allowing him to reside permanently beyond the jurisdiction of the court is entirely different,' the court said. Navlakha was one of 16 activists and intellectuals arrested in connection with the violence that broke out at Bhima Koregaon village near Pune on January 1, 2018. Navlakha and others are accused of fuelling the violence through their speeches at the Elgar Parishad, a conclave organised by around 260 civil society organisations in Pune's Shaniwar Wada on December 31, 2017. The conclave was organised to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the battle of Bhima Koregaon, in which a small Mahar regiment of the British army defeated a large Maratha contingent.
Business Recorder
31-05-2025
- Business
- Business Recorder
Minister opposes IMF demand of more taxes on agri sector
KARACHI: Sindh Minister for Agriculture Muhammad Baksh Mahar has expressed serious concerns over the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) demand to impose an 18% General Sales Tax (GST) and increase Federal Excise Duty (FED) on fertilisers, sprays, and agricultural machinery. Mahar said, 'The IMF's demand is extremely unfair and anti-farmer, which will prove disastrous for the country's agricultural sector and farmers. The IMF must refrain from proposing additional taxes on the agriculture sector.' He emphasised that farmers across the country, including Sindh, are already suffering due to climate change, water scarcity, and low crop prices. The provincial minister warned that the new taxes would lead to an enormous increase in agricultural production costs, ultimately jeopardising food security. He stated that this would trigger a new wave of inflation in the country. He strongly urged the federal government to persuade the IMF and make it aware of the importance of the agriculture sector. He made it clear, 'The IMF's demand is causing severe unrest among farmers, and we vehemently oppose any such proposal.' He said that providing facilities to agriculture is the need of the hour instead of imposing additional burdens on it. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
