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Is ULFA still a thorn in India's side?
Is ULFA still a thorn in India's side?

India Today

time2 hours ago

  • Politics
  • India Today

Is ULFA still a thorn in India's side?

On July 13, the separatist group United Liberation Front of Asom's (ULFA) Independent faction issued a press statement alleging a wave of drone attacks on four of their bases inside Myanmar at dawn that day. It claimed the strikes killed three of their top commanders, including Lieutenant General Nayan Medhi alias Nayan Asom. 19 have allegedly been killed and 19 more injured. The Paresh Baruah-led insurgent group blamed India for the strikes, but the Indian military has denied getting into claims and counter-claims, it is highly unusual for a rebel group like the ULFA-I to admit reverses because it affects the morale of its ranks. The more important question one needs to address, however, is how important or relevant the ULFA-I is anymore. Does it constitute a major threat to Indian security forces in the northeast?To answer this question, one needs to remember that a faction of the ULFA had already signed an agreement with the Centre and the Assam state government in December 2023. This was the pro-talks faction led by Arabinda Rajkhowa, and included most top leaders who had been handed over to India by Bangladesh after Sheikh Hasina took over as Prime Minister in January 2009. The Bangladesh crackdown left the ULFA with only bases in the deep hilly jungles of Myanmar's Sagaing region - bases in Bhutan had been earlier demolished in 2003 by the Royal Army in Operation All Clear, which the Indian Army Myanmar Army has occasionally responded to Indian pressure and nabbed some rebels. But it has never launched any major crackdown by the security forces in Bhutan or Bangladesh. This is partly because it's busy fighting many powerful insurgencies within the country, and partly because groups such as the ULFA are located in remote, hilly, somewhat inaccessible, jungle an Indian government that is committed to putting an end to insurgencies, be it in Kashmir, Maoist-affected areas, or the northeast, the denial of the Myanmar borderlands as a base is a high priority. It is in this context that the ULFA's Independent faction becomes Naga rebel factions like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) are trying to negotiate a final settlement with India — they have been going on since 1997. Only the NSCN's Khaplang faction remains hostile. But it's made up mostly of Burmese Nagas and focuses on controlling areas in the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Myanmar. The ULFA-Independent is based in those areas, along with some Meitei rebel groups of Manipur, with support from pitch for complete settlementThe Assam government under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has already offered an olive branch to Paresh Baruah, even as he's made an agreement with the pro-talks faction. His approach and that of the Centre — where he has considerable influence — has been to bring all rebel factions into a fruitful dialogue. This approach brought all rebel factions of the Bodo tribe to the table and led to a comprehensive settlement in 2020. The ULFA-I is the only remaining major group in Assam left behind in the may argue that the group's strength has depleted a lot due to desertions and arrests, and a drop in recruitment. The surrender of its deputy commander-in-chief, Drishti Rajkhowa, in November 2020 was a severe blow; as was the recent arrest of another top commander, Rupam ULFA's appeal amongst Assamese youth is nowhere near what it was in the 1990s. Repeated splits in the organisation and loss of bases in Bhutan and Bangladesh have made it weaker than thus believe this is the right time to strike blows and redouble efforts to bring the ULFA-I to the table. This is consistent with the Centre's approach against the Maoist rebels in central India. The offer for talks made to Paresh Baruah remains valid, but since there is no ceasefire in place. Indian forces can strike whenever and wherever feasible. Strikes that lead to the loss of senior activists hurt a rebel faction, which already faces a dearth of experienced commanders, and may be a factor in initiating force or a renewed threat?The ULFA-I's effective fighting strength may not be in the thousands anymore, but the group cannot be taken lightly for two reasons: One, while it may lack the ability to attack security forces through ambushes like the Naga or Meitei rebel group, it is capable of sabotage operations, having launched attacks on oil storage depots and gas pipelines before. Since Assam has many critical infrastructure facilities like oil refineries in place, this threat cannot be taken with the regime change in neighbouring Bangladesh leading to the ouster of the India-friendly regime of Sheikh Hasina, the possibility of Paresh Baruah returning to revamp ULFA-I bases in the country cannot be ruled out. He has contacts in the Bangladesh intelligence community, anti-Indian political parties, and Pakistan's ISI, whose agents became active after Hasina's some in Indian security architecture may feel this is the right time to neutralise the ULFA-I, either by bringing Paresh Baruah to the table or by engineering large-scale desertions by demoralising the rank and Assembly polls are due in March-April next year. Any achievement on the insurgency front — starting talks or engineering large-scale surrenders — will help boost the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in what is the pivotal state of India's northeast.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with Ends(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch

After Ulfa-I, NSCN (YA) claims drone attacks carried out near Myanmar border
After Ulfa-I, NSCN (YA) claims drone attacks carried out near Myanmar border

Hindustan Times

time3 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Hindustan Times

After Ulfa-I, NSCN (YA) claims drone attacks carried out near Myanmar border

KOHIMA: The Yung Aung-led faction of the Myanmar-headquartered National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-YA) on Monday also claimed drone attacks were carried out at two locations near Myanmar border early on July 13, the second militant group to make the claim. A defence spokesperson in Guwahati on Sunday said that there was no information of any such incident as claimed by the Ulfa-I. In a statement, NSCN-YA said Indian armed forces carried out drone strikes between 2am and 4am on July 13 at two locations in Eastern Nagaland, targeting the ULFA-I and NSCN/GPRN camps in Hoyat and Pangsau area. A defence spokesperson in Guwahati told PTI on Sunday that there was no information of any such incident. 'There are no inputs with the Indian Army of such an operation,' Lt Col Mahendra Rawat said. The army's denial came hours after the United Liberation of Asom-Independent (Ulfa-I) claimed that three leaders of the group including Nayan Asom alias Nayan Medhi, who was the 'chairman' of its 'lower council', were killed in drone and missile attacks. The NSCN-YA statement also condemned the attacks, describing senior Ulfa-I leader Nayan Asom who was killed in the operation as one of the 'most committed and finest revolutionary leaders' the ULFA-I has ever produced. NSCN (YA) is a faction of the banned NSCN (Khaplang), which is led by Yung Aung, nephew of the founder of the group SS Khaplang. Unlike other NSCN factions and a few other Naga groups that are engaged in peace talks with the government, NSCN (YA) has not entered into a ceasefire with the armed forces. The group has operated in coordination with the Ulfa-I in the past. On June 5, the NSCN (YA) lost two militants in a gunfight with the security forces in Arunachal Pradesh's Longding district near the Indo-Myanmar border.

Drone, missile strikes kill 3 Ulfa leaders in Myanmar, Indian Army denies role
Drone, missile strikes kill 3 Ulfa leaders in Myanmar, Indian Army denies role

India Today

time4 hours ago

  • Politics
  • India Today

Drone, missile strikes kill 3 Ulfa leaders in Myanmar, Indian Army denies role

The proscribed United Liberation Front of Asom (Independent) or Ulfa (I), which is involved in a secessionist movement against India, claimed that three of its top leaders were killed, and several others injured in drone and missile strikes in Myanmar's Sagaiang region. The terrorist organisation issued statements on Sunday and blamed the attacks on its mobile camps on the Indian Army. The Army denied any role in the attacks, while Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said the state's police weren't involved in any such anti-talks Ulfa (I) faction seeks to establish a sovereign Assam through armed struggle and operates from multiple mobile camps in Myanmar, along the 1,600-kilometre border with Paresh Barua-led faction has reduced numbers and influence when compared to the heydays of militancy of the 80s. Internal rifts and the government's engagement with the pro-talks faction have further curtailed Barua's strength on the ground in Assam.150 DRONES, MISSILES USED TO KILL 3 TOP LEADERS, SAYS ULFA According to a statement issued by the outlawed secessionist group, the first strike occurred in the early hours of Sunday, targeting multiple mobile camps with drones in outfit claimed that Nayan Asom alias Nayan Medhi, the chairman of Ulfa(I)'s so-called "lower council", was killed in the drone attack, and around 19 others were injured, reported news agency Ulfa-I claimed the attacks came in waves between 2 am and 4 am, involving over 150 Israeli and French-made drones, according to a report in The Times of India. Drone and missile strikes, as claimed by the Ulfa, hit camps near Longwa and Pangsau Pass along the India-Myanmar border. (Image: Author) The Ulfa-I said that after Nayan Asom was killed, Ganesh Asom and Pradip Asom were killed in a second drone strike during the former's agency PTI reported that it was the second attack, during which missiles were launched, that killed the other two top leaders, self-styled brigadier Ganesh Asom and self-styled colonel Pradip alleged aerial attacks, as claimed by Ulfa-I and Manipur's Revolutionary People's Front (RPF), were spread across the India-Myanmar border near Longwa in Nagaland and Pangsau Pass in Arunachal Pradesh, reported The Times of ASSAM CM DENIES INVOLVEMENT, KNOWLEDGE OF ALLEGED ATTACKSThe Indian Army denied any knowledge or role in such an operation in Myanmar."There are no inputs with the Indian Army of such an operation," Guwahati-based Defence PRO, Lt Col Mahendra Rawat, was quoted as saying by the news Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who also serves as the state's home minister, ruled out any involvement by the state police or operations launched from within Assam."The Assam Police is not involved in it and no attack has been carried out from our soil," Sarma added that such operations, if conducted, are usually acknowledged by the armed forces."More information is required on the matter... I think it will be clearer by evening," Sarma was quoted as saying by news agency Indian Army and the paramilitary Assam Rifles guard the 1,643-kilometre-long India-Myanmar border, which has been affected by civil war since the military coup in Myanmar in February of now, there is no independent confirmation of the attack or the deaths reported by Ulfa(I).The Indian Army has not issued any formal statement beyond the denial of knowledge, and there has been no response from Myanmar's side either, where the Ulfa(I) has long operated from hideouts along the had in 2019 carried out joint cross-border operations with Myanmar codenamed Operation Sunrise, targeting insurgent camps of groups like Ulfa(I), Naga militant outfit NSCN, and other Northeast rebel groups. However, no such operation has been officially acknowledged in the current instance.- Ends advertisement

ULFA-I claims 3 senior members killed in drone attack on Myanmar camps, Army denies role
ULFA-I claims 3 senior members killed in drone attack on Myanmar camps, Army denies role

Scroll.in

time6 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Scroll.in

ULFA-I claims 3 senior members killed in drone attack on Myanmar camps, Army denies role

Banned militant group United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent on Sunday claimed that at least three of its senior leaders were killed in alleged drone attacks by the Indian Army on its camps in Myanmar. The Army has denied knowledge of such an operation. The alleged drone strikes on several camps along the India-Myanmar border took place on Sunday morning, ULFA-I claimed. Self-styled Lieutenant General Nayan Asom, 'Brigadier' Ganesh Asom and 'Colonel' Pradeep Asom were killed and 19 were injured in the attack, ULFA-I claimed in a purported statement. The Indian Express quoted Guwahati-based Defence Spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Mahendra Rawat as saying: ' No inputs with Indian Army on such operation.' Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma also said that he did not have information about the incident. 'The Assam Police are not involved in this and no operation was carried out from Assam's soil,' the newspaper quoted Sarma as having told reporters on Sunday. He added: 'Usually when such incidents take place, there is a statement from the Indian Army but they have not issued it yet. Maybe there will be more clarity on this later.'

How India's Kinetic Action On Myanmar Terror Groups Struck At China's Shadow Theatre
How India's Kinetic Action On Myanmar Terror Groups Struck At China's Shadow Theatre

News18

time11 hours ago

  • Politics
  • News18

How India's Kinetic Action On Myanmar Terror Groups Struck At China's Shadow Theatre

Insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to Belt & Road Initiative The drone strikes reportedly carried out by the Indian Army on insurgent camps in Myanmar mark a direct challenge to China's 'deniability model", where Beijing has relied on non-state actors—such as insurgent groups and private security contractors—to exert influence in neighboring countries while maintaining plausible deniability, CNN-News18 has learnt. Top intelligence sources told CNN-News18 that India's decisive action has not only exposed this model but also 'strategically undermined China's reach into key areas, particularly Myanmar's border regions and parts of India's north-eastern states like Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh". India's strikes focused on the Naga Self-Administered Zone, hitting locations such as ULFA(I)'s Eastern Command headquarters at Hoyat Basti and 779 Camp in Waktham Basti. Additionally, camps of the NSCN-K, PLA, and RPF were also struck by Indian drones. The ULFA(I), in a press statement, said Nayan Asom alias Nayan Medhi, who was the 'chairman' of its 'lower council', was killed in the attacks. It said two other senior leaders, 'brigadier' Ganesh Asom and 'colonel' Pradip Asom, were killed in the second round of attacks during Nayan Asom's funeral. At least 19 others were injured, it added. However, when contacted, a defence spokesperson said there 'are no inputs of such an operation". The timing and execution of these strikes are no accident. India's operation goes far beyond targeting insurgent groups. By dismantling the leadership of ULFA-I and NSCN-K in Myanmar's Sagaing region, India has effectively neutralised a key component of China's regional security apparatus. Intel sources said these insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks operating in Yunnan, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Kyaukpyu–Mandalay corridor, a vital stretch of infrastructure that connects China to the Indian Ocean, has been one of the primary areas where China has used these insurgent groups to ensure the safety of its energy and logistics supply chains. With Myanmar's Sagaing region now facing increased instability, China's ambitions to bypass the Malacca Strait and secure its energy routes through Myanmar are at risk. By targeting these camps, India has struck a blow deep within China's informal security buffer in the region. The damage is not just to insurgent forces but to a wider strategic framework designed to safeguard Beijing's investments in Myanmar, including nickel mining zones, future rail projects, and other BRI-linked ventures. Myanmar's Junta Under Pressure For Myanmar's military junta, which has been struggling to maintain control over large parts of the country, particularly in Sagaing, Chin, and Magway regions, the timing of India's airstrikes could be a mixed blessing. The junta, already facing fierce resistance from the People's Defence Forces (PDF), has been losing ground to the ethnic militias. Additionally, Myanmar's increasing dissatisfaction with Chinese interference has brought the country closer to New Delhi in recent months, the sources added. While the junta may not have officially aligned itself with India, the attacks on ULFA-I and NSCN-K may shift Myanmar's stance. The junta has shown signs of frustration with Chinese influence in its internal affairs, and this new pressure from India could push Myanmar to recalibrate its relationship with Beijing. Sources confirmed that ULFA-I and NSCN-K have been integral to China's shadow operations in Myanmar. These insurgent groups have not only been armed by China but have also provided covert security and logistical support to BRI projects in the region. In essence, these groups have acted as private militias, securing vital infrastructure for Chinese interests while indirectly working for Chinese private security contractors (PSCs). India's precision strikes have severely disrupted these networks, and now, as the conflict escalates in the region, China may be forced to reassess its security arrangements. The destabilisation of BRI supply lines in Sagaing is particularly significant, as it raises the costs for Chinese private security firms. This comes at a time when China has enjoyed relatively low-cost security advantages in Myanmar, allowing it to expand its footprint without heavy investment. The ongoing ethnic clashes, triggered by the actions of Myanmar's military junta and the increasing reach of India's strikes, threaten to further disrupt this crucial security apparatus. With these new developments, China faces mounting challenges in maintaining a secure environment for its BRI projects in Myanmar, and the cost of ensuring stability in the region could soon prove untenable. Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

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