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News18
28-07-2025
- Politics
- News18
Opinion: Chirag Paswan Is Harming Bihar Alliance Prospects By Targeting Nitish Kumar
Last Updated: There is a political and social compulsion for Chirag Paswan to distance his party and himself from Nitish Kumar's shadow Relations cannot remain even normal, forget cordial, between Chirag Paswan's Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's Janata Dal (United). With Paswan gradually upping the ante against Kumar, the latest being his virulent criticism of the government on the gang rape of a woman inside an ambulance, there are clear indications of more turmoil within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), ahead of the polls in the state. Paswan's praise sometime back for Jan Suraaj Party founder Prashant Kishor, a known critic of Nitish Kumar, indicates a determined effort to undermine the stature of the Bihar Chief Minister within the alliance. The question could arise why Paswan is firing at Kumar in the first place and would he go as far as distancing himself from the NDA, which could include loss of a lucrative Ministerial berth in the Narendra Modi government. There is a political and social compulsion for Paswan to distance his party and himself from Kumar's shadow to survive the rough and tumble of Bihar politics. The vote bank of the two parties are largely identified with their founder-leaders, be it the Dusadhs (Paswans) for LJP or Kurmis for JD (U). Dusadhs being the more prosperous among the Scheduled Caste (Dalit) communities and Kurmis being land-holding Other Backward Classes (OBCs) have often crossed swords in Bihar's social make-up. In the unfortunate incident, Dusadh farmhands were killed by Kurmi owners. Belchchi falls in Nitish Kumar's home district of Nalanda and he knows well that Dusadh-Kurmi electoral union is next to impossible given the history of social conflict between the two communities. Nitish himself comes from a Kurmi landowning family and enjoys a loyal vote base among his caste voters. To illustrate his Dusadh community's assertion vis-à-vis the Kurmi Chief Minister, Paswan has submitted a list of 41 seats to the NDA for the upcoming elections, indicating his party's ambitions and possibly pushing for greater influence within the alliance. While on the surface, such moves may have raised questions about the LJP's commitment to the NDA, especially as Paswan's public narrations become increasingly hostile, the question remains whether Paswan would go as far as to risk his ministerial seat or does he have some license for 'autonomous functioning' within the alliance. There is another dimension to the jigsaw puzzle, whether Kumar would be acceptable to Paswan as the Chief Ministerial face of the alliance. Paswan has so far not explicitly stated his opposition to Kumar's leadership within the NDA but neither has he fully supported it. In public, so far, Paswan has refrained from commenting on the acceptability of Kumar as an alliance partner, dismissing such questions as hypothetical. However, his increasing public disapproval of the functioning of the Nitish government is adding brick-by-brick to the complexity within the NDA. Meanwhile, voices from within the JD (U) have indicated clearly that the alliance was only happening if Kumar were its face. Paswan's demand for 40-plus seats has made allocation of tickets within the NDA more intricate. The Chief Minister's party is very clear about being an equal partner in the alliance and getting as many seats as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). LJP's quantum of demand has only added another wheel within the wheels of alliance's internal dynamics. In the coming months, the alliance partners would have to work out an amicable solution to seat-sharing. In the process of pressure building to bargain for seats, the public narrative too should not become very disruptive, which Paswan currently seems to be doing. The earlier the conflict is resolved, the better for the ruling alliance, lest the opposition coalition runs away with the initiative. view comments First Published: July 28, 2025, 15:14 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Time of India
27-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Manjhi-Chirag tussle boosts BJP in Magadh
1 2 3 4 Gaya: The ongoing tussle between Union ministers Jitan Ram Manjhi and Chirag Paswan, ostensibly for Dalit leadership, has inadvertently strengthened the BJP's bargaining position in the politically crucial Magadh division of Bihar. The division comprises five districts – Gaya, Aurangabad, Nawada, Jehanabad and Arwal. These districts together account for 26 assembly constituencies. Ten of these are located in Gaya district alone. On Saturday, Union minister and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan held a well-attended public rally at Gandhi Maidan in Gaya. The event was significant for two reasons. Firstly, Gaya is the home district of Jitan Ram Manjhi. Secondly, the choice of Gandhi Maidan, a venue typically reserved for prominent national leaders, suggests Chirag is making an assertive bid to position himself as a taller public figure, possibly overshadowing his rival Manjhi. The symbolism of the venue did not go unnoticed by political observers. Political experts point out that since the era of the late Jagjivan Ram, no Dalit leader has enjoyed a pan-Bihar appeal. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Pune: Unsold Furniture Liquidation 2024 (Prices May Surprise You) Unsold Furniture | Search Ads Learn More Undo Jagjivan Ram was widely regarded as a national leader of Dalits, then referred to as Harijans. In contrast, the late Bhola Paswan Shastri and Ram Vilas Paswan did not attain comparable stature. Today, Chirag and Manjhi are seen as leaders of their respective sub-castes. According to the 2023 caste census, Paswans constitute 5.3% of Bihar's population while Mushars, Manjhi's community, make up 3.9%. Unlike Mushars, Paswans are generally viewed as more dominant and economically better placed. Gaya remains central to Manjhi's political relevance. In addition to representing the Gaya Lok Sabha seat himself, his daughter-in-law and sister-in-law hold the Imamganj and Barachatti seats respectively in the Bihar assembly. Political analyst and litterateur Ashok Kumar said, "By weakening each other, Manjhi and Paswan strengthen the BJP." For the BJP, performing strongly in the Magadh region is essential if it hopes to realise its ambition of ruling Bihar. In the last Lok Sabha election, the party underperformed in the region, losing the crucial Aurangabad seat to the RJD. Both the NDA and the INDIA bloc won two seats each in the division. Of the NDA's two victories, the BJP secured Nawada while the Gaya (reserved) seat went to alliance partner HAM-S. JD(U) failed to win any seat in Magadh during the 2024 parliamentary polls. So far, the BJP has made no serious attempt to mediate between the LJP and HAM-S. However, Chirag faces a strategic dilemma, having opened multiple fronts simultaneously. Apart from his rift with HAM-S, tensions remain high between the LJP and JD(U) as well. How the BJP manages its two feuding allies remains to be seen.
India Today
03-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Why Union minister Chirag Paswan has staked so much on Bihar polls
Chirag Paswan's forays into Bihar's political theatre have, until now, resembled tantalising sketches rather than fully realised canvases. Sweeping six Lok Sabha seats in 2014, repeating the feat in 2019 and securing all five in 2024, these victories glittered in New Delhi, yet felt curiously hollow on the turf where Bihar's real power is commanding emphatic parliamentary mandates, the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) has not a single MLA to its name in Bihar. Its sole representative, Raj Kumar Singh, defected to chief minister Nitish Kumar's Janata Dal (United), JD(U), in April unfettered by alliances, as in 2020, the party fought 135 seats, forfeited deposits in 110 and limped home with just one victory on a mere 5.66 per cent vote-share. In 2015, as the BJP's junior partner, it contested 42 constituencies but claimed only two seats with 4.83 per 2010, allying with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), it stood in 75 contests for a paltry three victories on a 6.74 per cent vote-share. Even the seismic waves of October 2005—when Nitish first emerged as Bihar's pre-eminent leader—saw the LJP muster 203 candidates, winning merely 10 and forfeiting deposits in 141. Six months earlier, the ephemeral February 2005 election, which produced a hung assembly and its subsequent dissolution, offered marginally better returns—178 seats contested, 29 victories on 12.62 per cent vote-share—but still fell far short of This disquieting record in assembly polls carries profound resonance. Ram Vilas Paswan, uniquely ensconced in eight Union cabinets across six prime ministers—from V.P. Singh through Manmohan Singh to Narendra Modi—was no stranger to political acumen. Yet his vaunted central clout never crystallised into a durable foothold in Patna's corridors of is this very paradox that Chirag now vows to rectify: to transform his father's legacy of triumphs into a resolute regional force, one whose influence is cemented not merely by parliamentary victories but by a battalion of legislators rooted in Bihar's conundrum stings all the more sharply: while the Paswans have wielded influence in the national capital, their absence in Bihar's legislative ranks has rendered them bystanders to the Patna's realpolitik. Assembly seats are the true currency of power in India's federal tapestry. A clutch of MLAs could furnish the LJP(RV) with genuine bargaining chips in coalition negotiations, permitting it to shape government formation rather than merely applaud from the alliance is the prospect that animates Chirag now: to metamorphose his party from a Lok Sabha phenomenon into an indispensable regional powerhouse. For this, he must contest the 2025 polls with unvarnished the heart of his appeal lies the clarion call of 'Bihar First'. The slogan evokes his father's rhetoric but demands a sharper, more immediate delivery. Although central ministries enjoy the same protocol rank as of a chief minister, they often appear aloof from Bihar's lived realities—akin to a non-playing tennis ministers may procure a hospital bed in Delhi or secure a school-admission recommendation, but they stand powerless and pallid before the authority wielded by a chief minister in their own state. In contrast, a cadre of MLAs bestows genuine leverage: the power to compel the machinery of a state government into action rather than confining one to ceremonial niceties. With elected representatives at his disposal, a leader can even hold administrative officers to account, transforming influence into tangible ambition alone will not suffice; the prospect of contesting assembly polls is formidable. Moreover, the BJP-JD(U) alliance may not allot Chirag more than 30 constituencies. Undeterred, he has charted a meticulous strategy. Through mobile surveys and block-by-block outreach, Chirag's team has mapped pockets of latent support, pinpointing roughly 20 genuinely winnable each of these battlegrounds, local cadre have been bolstered, campaign offices refurbished and veteran organisers drafted in. If Chirag really contests Bihar assembly polls, it will send out an unequivocal signal that the LJP(RV) aspires to be a fulcrum of Bihar politics, not a mere appendage to the BJP or JD(U).advertisementStill, the contest promises to be no promenade. The JD(U), under Nitish, remains a formidable machine, with robust patronage networks and a well-honed coalition toolkit. The BJP, too, is unlikely to cede its share of the Dalit vote lightly, particularly in constituencies critical for its national projection. Furthermore, caste equations in Bihar are notoriously fluid; alliances forged on paper frequently fragment under the pressure of local must therefore thread a narrow needle: presenting himself as heir to Ram Vilas's Dalit legacy while simultaneously reaching out to non-Yadav OBCs and disaffected upper-caste voters weary of fractious however, is no gambler. Although he has declared that his priorities lie in Bihar and that the state's call is insistent, he has not relinquished his Union ministerial berth. Had he surrendered the prestige of Delhi's council of ministers to immerse himself fully in state affairs, he would have instantly been touted as a chief ministerial contender. Yet by declaring his intent to contest Bihar's assembly elections while continuing to endorse Nitish for the top office, Chirag lays bare the calculating instincts of a politician eager to extend his reach, yet unwilling to forfeit the security of the position he knows his future will brighten only if he builds a robust regional party apparatus—a conviction born out of observing his father's restraint in 2005 when a hung assembly offered the LJP fleeting leverage that was ultimately squandered. Now, seasoned by three successive Lok Sabha poll campaigns, Chirag seems determined not to let history echo the campaign hurtles forward, some internal surveys suggest that Chirag's high-stakes gamble may finally be paying dividends. Nonetheless, the ultimate arbiter will remain the alchemy of politics: the conversion of stirring rhetoric into votes, and votes into seats. Even a modest cohort of MLAs could propel the LJP(RV) from the margins of parliamentary theatre to the role of coalition kingmaker—perhaps even the fulcrum upon which Bihar's next government Chirag, the stakes transcend mere office; they are a question of legacy. To stride into the legislative chamber flanked by his own elected representatives would be to complete the task his father began but never consummated: crafting a Bihar truly led by its own, for its own. Should he succeed, the very contours of power in Patna will be irrevocably redrawn; should he falter, the spectre of electoral success unaccompanied by legislative heft will once more haunt his party's way, the 2025 assembly polls have become the crucible in which the LJP(RV)'s true mettle—and Chirag's 'Bihar First' vision—will finally be to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
Indian Express
28-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
On Nitish turf, Chirag set to sharpen ‘new leadership' pitch, step up ‘Bahujan outreach'
Barely three weeks after Union minister Chirag Paswan stirred Bihar politics by announcing that he would contest in the upcoming state Assembly polls, the LJP (Ram Vilas) president is going to step up pressure on ally JD (U) by holding a rally in Rajgir – in Nalanda district, the home turf of Chief Minister and JD(U) supremo Nitish Kumar – on Sunday. The LJP (RV) has dubbed its Rajgir meeting 'Bahujan sankalp samagam', where Chirag would focus on 'Bahujan' and 'nav netritva' (new leadership) in a bid to expand his party's base beyond Paswans – the Scheduled Caste (SC) group to which he belongs – to other Bahujan communities. While both Nitish and Chirag are key allies of the BJP-led NDA, their relations have been strained, with the LJP(RV) chief now positioning himself for a larger role in Bihar politics. For the last couple of months, the LJP (RV) has engaged in posturings in what has been seen as its bid to get a sizeable number of seats to contest in the Assembly polls due in October-November this year. While senior partners, BJP and JD(U), are likely to contest from about 100 seats each in the elections to the 243-member House, the LJP (RV) and other junior NDA allies – including Union minister Jitan Ram Manjhi's Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) and former Union minister Upendra Kushwaha's Rashtriya Lok Morcha – have also been attempting to claim larger shares in seat-sharing. In the Lok Sabha polls, the LJP(RV) had won five seats out of five it was allotted by the NDA out of the state's 40 seats. For the Assembly polls, the NDA leadership has yet to kickstart the seat-sharing negotiations among its allies. Chirag, 42, now clearly seems to be looking to take centrestage in Bihar politics with his party calling for a 'new leadership' in the state. At the LJP(RV)'s June 8 rally in Arah, Chirag had announced that he would contest the 'Assembly polls from any seat people would want him to contest from'. At the Rajgir meeting, he is expected to push for 'Bihar's leadership for Bahujans', especially for the SCs which account for 19.65% of the state's population. Paswans make up about 5.33% of the state's population. The LJP (RV)'s Jamui MP Arun Bharti, who is also Chirag's brother-in-law, said, in a social media post, on the eve of the Rajgir event: 'Though Bahujan samaj has a huge population, it has been kept out from leadership role. The social group which is the biggest was shown/ treated as the smallest one. But, not any longer. From land of Rajgir, we are going to make an important announcement – Bahujan will no longer be a crowd but a voice. They will not just vote but lead. Bahujam Sankalp Samagam is not a cultural event but a political clarion call. We are gathering at Rajgir to fight on our terms, choose our leadership. Our leader will be Chirag Paswan.' Of late, Chirag has entrusted Bharti to play a major role in his party for working out its poll strategies. After the LJP(RV) chief's decision to take the plunge in the Assembly polls, RJD leader and Leader of the Opposition (LoP) Tejashwi Yadav asked him to clear the air if he 'wanted to become Bihar CM'. 'Let him (Chirag) say it clearly, it will give clarity to NDA and INDIA bloc,' Tejashwi said. An LJP (RV) leader told The Indian Express: 'As of now, we are engaging in intense posturings to get a good number of seats for the upcoming polls. We also want winnable seats. With five MPs, we are the BJP's third most important NDA ally at the Centre. If a party like HAM (S) with one MP can ask for 40 seats, how many should we ask for with that calculation'. In the 2020 Assembly polls in which the then undivided LJP had contested alone, the party had got 5.66% votes while winning just one seat. On the LJP(RV)'s 'Bahujan outreach and new leadership call', another party leader said: 'Bihar politics has been undergoing a churn and a new political order will emerge sooner or later. Chirag will play a key role in that process, more so with Nitish Kumar seen to be walking into the sunset of his long political innings.' Santosh Singh is a Senior Assistant Editor with The Indian Express since June 2008. He covers Bihar with main focus on politics, society and governance. Investigative and explanatory stories are also his forte. Singh has 25 years of experience in print journalism covering Bihar, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka. ... Read More
Indian Express
07-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
As Chirag Paswan seeks to become NDA fulcrum in Bihar, why BJP is watching with caution
In recent weeks, Union Minister and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan has publicly spoken of his wish to return to Bihar and contest the Assembly elections, seen as a pitch to take up the position of either the kingmaker, if not the king, in state politics. And the message is not lost on the BJP leadership. While the BJP leadership maintains that Paswan is free to contest from any of the seats his party is allocated as part of a seat-sharing agreement, a section in the ruling party said he was merely trying to take advantage of a sense of confusion in the state unit. Paswan, the Union Minister for Food Processing Industries in the Narendra Modi Cabinet, recently said he was ready to get back to Bihar politics as contributing to the development of the state had always been his motivation. With his party indicating he could contest from a general seat instead of a reserved constituency, all eyes will now be on Paswan's public rally in Ara in Bhojpur district on Sunday. Paswan's public statements come at a time when Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's rivals believe that his time at the top of Bihar politics is drawing to a close. The LJP (RV) leader is said to harbour the ambition of being the face that can bring together key electoral forces in the state. Though his party won five seats in the last Lok Sabha elections with 6.47% vote share, it is still not as big a party as Nitish Kumar's JD(U) that had an 18.52% vote share. A BJP leader admitted that Paswan had the potential to be a leader with acceptability beyond his party's traditional base. A senior BJP leader and former MP from Bihar said, 'He does not want to limit himself to being a leader of only the Paswans with just 4% votes. While the community is with him, he has to expand his base and is playing his cards.' However, a section of state BJP leaders feel the central leadership failed to groom faces in a politically crucial and unpredictable state such as Bihar, and this has allowed the LJP(RV) leader to cash in. 'If the BJP leadership in the state had been defined, it would not have been like this. Leaders such as Chirag Pawan are taking advantage of this. Chirag is playing his cards carefully,' said a senior BJP leader in Bihar. 'His hints that he could shift to the state and contest from a general seat show that he wants to be the next Nitish (Kumar) in Bihar politics. He (Nitish) has ruled Bihar for almost two decades without having a majority, without having a party that has more than 20% vote share. He gets projected from everywhere. The BJP these days does not make leaders, only workers,' the leader added. BJP leader Mrityunjay Sharma, the author of Broken Promises: Caste, Crime and Politics in Bihar, said Paswan's posturing was linked to his efforts to expand his party's base. 'It seems that Chirag wants to expand the reach of his party beyond a caste party of Paswans, as it is seen. He wants to include various other voting blocs, such as the youth and women. That's the reason why he says he wants to contest from an unreserved seat,' he said. However, Sharma said the LJP(RV) chief would find it tough. 'The LJP(RV) is a small party compared to Nitish Kumar's party. Historically, the JD(U) has always been a significant party with around 20% vote share even in a coalition. Paswan would have to expand his base significantly to be such a player, which is really tough in the coming five to 10 years,' he said. The LJP's best performance in the 243-member Assembly was in 2005, when it won 29 seats. The BJP also recognises that it has to tread with caution in a state as important and electorally fragmented as Bihar, balancing the interests of both its allies. In the state, two of the three key players — BJP, JD(U), and RJD — together make for a winning formula. Top BJP leaders said it had few options but to keep all the existing allies together and continue with Nitish Kumar as the face. 'The reports about his health condition are not good, but his face brings the votes and his legacy is important. As of now, it is like, 'it will run till it can'. The party has no other option but to go with him,' said a BJP leader in New Delhi. For the BJP to continue as a dominant force in national politics, Bihar is a crucial factor. The Centre's announcement of caste enumeration during the next Census — it has been a key political plank of the Opposition, especially the Congress and its leader Rahul Gandhi in the last few elections — was also seen as a move to consolidate the BJP's position ahead of the Bihar elections. Both the JD(U) and the LJP (RV) had sought caste enumeration, saying it is necessary to ensure justice to the backward classes. If it succeeds in pulling through in Bihar — it is the only state in the Hindi heartland where the BJP has been in power as part of only coalition governments — the ruling party won't have to look back as it continues its quest to remain the leading national political force.
