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Time of India
25-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Remembering JP: The man who challenged a regime with words and will
Dr Navneet Anand is a communications professional with a rich tapestry of experience spanning 25 years across media, academia, and the corporate sector. A graduate of Hindu College in Delhi University, Anand went on to complete his MA, MPhil and PhD in Sociology (communications) from Jawaharlal Nehru University, he has been a journalist previously with The Times of India, The Indian Express, and The Pioneer. As the founder-director of GreyMatters Communications & Consulting, Navneet has lent his expertise to a myriad of projects, including serving as a Public Communication Expert for a World Bank initiative, International Labour Organization, many Government and private agencies in India. His corporate journey includes a notable tenure as General Manager of Corporate Affairs & Communication at Fortune 500 company, Reliance Industries Limited. Navneet seamlessly integrates his extensive professional background with his rigorous academic training. He is the author of two acclaimed books, including 'The Media Effect' (2003), and regularly contributes to esteemed national and international journals and publications. A distinguished educator, Navneet imparts knowledge on journalism, social media, marketing & strategic communication, and public relations at esteemed institutions such as Indian Institute of Mass Communication, IIMs, IP University, Delhi University and JNU. With a passion for training and development, Navneet has empowered over 2,500 officials from government, police, and PSUs, while delivering over 500 lectures and training sessions. For insights on social and political issues, reach out to him at navneet@ LESS ... MORE On the night of June 25, 1975, as darkness fell on Indian democracy with the proclamation of Emergency, another light was burning strong: that of Jayaprakash Narayan, or JP, whose movement had shaken the very foundations of Indira Gandhi's government. On this day, we remember not only the suspension of democratic rights but also the courage of a man who dared to dream of 'total revolution' and used the media as a force to unite, awaken and mobilise. JP's story is not of a conventional politician but of a restless and relentless crusader committed to change. Often called the 'second Mahatma,' JP was a freedom fighter, socialist, thinker, and above all, a wonderful communicator. In the 1970s, as India battled inflation, unemployment, and rising corruption, JP emerged as the conscience-keeper of the nation. He galvanised students, the middle class and even disillusioned civil servants into a mass movement that came to be known as the JP Movement. What made JP's movement truly unique was how he communicated his ideas. Like Gandhi before him, JP understood the power of words. But unlike Gandhi, who worked in a colonial setting, JP worked within a democratic structure where the press was relatively free, at least until the Emergency struck. He used this space to full effect. JP started a weekly magazine called Everyman's, aimed at reaching students, intellectuals and the broader civil society. In this magazine, he laid out his philosophy of total revolution: a call for deep-rooted transformation in social, economic and political life. His writings spoke not only about corrupt leaders but also about how democracy had lost its moral centre. JP believed that change had to be triggered by the people at the bottom, and not by those at the top, and saw a vital role for the farmers, workers, students, and small traders who made up the backbone of the country. In his editorials and pamphlets, JP called on students to rise not just against fee hikes and hostel mess charges, but against a system that had become unresponsive and unjust. He was clear: this was not a movement to seize power but to empower the people to take control of how they were governed. When protests erupted in Gujarat and Bihar in 1974, sparked by students' discontent, JP gave the movement both moral authority and organisational direction. He travelled, addressed huge rallies and wrote tirelessly. Through his journal Everyman's, he kept the movement alive, countered misinformation, and provided ideological clarity. Remember there was no social media in those days and it was largely the print media that shaped public opinion, and JP had mastered this art. Of course, his activism came at a price. As the movement gained strength, the government cracked down. Press freedom was one of the first casualties of the Emergency. JP's magazine was banned. Prominent newspapers were censored. Editors were arrested or silenced. Yet, the movement found ways to survive. Underground pamphlets circulated. International media picked up the cause. On August 15, 1975, the Times of London carried an ad demanding, 'Free JP,' reminding the world that India's independence now needed rescuing from within. Despite adversities, JP never gave up the habit of writing and continued to write even while in jail. His prison diary spoke of his commitment to non-violence and democracy. He was clear that the movement must not mirror the authoritarianism it opposed. Change, he believed, must come peacefully, and must uphold the values of democracy, even if it took longer. JP's call for 'Sampoorna Kranti' or total revolution was not about overnight miracles. It was about rebuilding India from the grassroots-reforming education, fighting caste inequality, restoring dignity to labour, and ensuring that every citizen had a voice. His use of media was never just about headlines. It was about nurturing a political culture based on debate, ethics and participation. The Emergency ended in 1977. Indira Gandhi was defeated. A new government came to power, the first non-Congress government at the Centre. JP was hailed as a national hero. Masses cheered him as the man who restored democracy without firing a single bullet. Yet, he remained modest. Power, he often said, was not his goal; awakening the people was. History, of course, is not without its ironies. The Janata government that came to power after the Emergency could not live up to its promises. JP's health failed. He watched helplessly as the ideals of his movement were diluted. Critics would later say that JP was not an organiser, that his revolution lacked structure. But perhaps JP's real achievement lay elsewhere; not in forming a government, but in showing that people still had the power to question and to act. Today, when the role of media is being debated once again, its freedoms, its responsibilities, and its influence, it is important to remember how JP used it. Not to amplify power, but to hold it accountable. Not to divide people, but to unite them. Not to create fear, but to awaken hope. As we look back at that June night 50 years ago, let us also look forward. JP reminded us that democracy is not a gift we inherit, but a responsibility we carry. His words, written on fading pages of Everyman's, still echo: 'My interest is not in the capture of power but control of power by the people.' That is a message worth remembering: every day, but especially today. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Time of India
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
India speaks for itself now: Why global outreach is not a tamasha
Dr Navneet Anand is a communications professional with a rich tapestry of experience spanning 25 years across media, academia, and the corporate sector. A graduate of Hindu College in Delhi University, Anand went on to complete his MA, MPhil and PhD in Sociology (communications) from Jawaharlal Nehru University, he has been a journalist previously with The Times of India, The Indian Express, and The Pioneer. As the founder-director of GreyMatters Communications & Consulting, Navneet has lent his expertise to a myriad of projects, including serving as a Public Communication Expert for a World Bank initiative, International Labour Organization, many Government and private agencies in India. His corporate journey includes a notable tenure as General Manager of Corporate Affairs & Communication at Fortune 500 company, Reliance Industries Limited. Navneet seamlessly integrates his extensive professional background with his rigorous academic training. He is the author of two acclaimed books, including 'The Media Effect' (2003), and regularly contributes to esteemed national and international journals and publications. A distinguished educator, Navneet imparts knowledge on journalism, social media, marketing & strategic communication, and public relations at esteemed institutions such as Indian Institute of Mass Communication, IIMs, IP University, Delhi University and JNU. With a passion for training and development, Navneet has empowered over 2,500 officials from government, police, and PSUs, while delivering over 500 lectures and training sessions. For insights on social and political issues, reach out to him at navneet@ LESS ... MORE A quote often attributed to Winston Churchill reads: 'Some see private misfortune in public success. They forget the victory belongs to the nation, not to the noise of its doubters.' In the tense months leading up to D-Day in 1944, Churchill made the momentous decision to back Operation Overlord, the largest seaborne invasion in military history. Many in his own cabinet and among military advisors feared the operation would end in disaster. Yet when the tides turned and Allied troops landed successfully on the beaches of Normandy, liberating Europe from fascist rule, some critics continued to murmur, unable to celebrate what was ultimately a national and civilizational triumph. For a generation of doubters including intellectuals, perception engineers, and custodians of legacy opinion-making, the bold and decisive moves by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the wake of Operation Sindoor have, unsurprisingly, not gone down too well. Visibly irked and sensing private misfortune, their sermonizing on India's diplomacy and its handling of Pakistan has surfaced in varied formats: verbose X threads, camouflaged newspaper columns, and panels in policy dialogues. What they refuse to acknowledge is the tectonic shift in global power. Political scientist Samuel Huntington anticipated this change in The Clash of Civilizations. He observed that in the post–Cold War world, Western dominance would decline, and its universalist narrative would lose moral currency. At the same time, Asian civilizations, particularly India and China, would grow economically, militarily, and politically. The Islamic world, he warned, would see demographic upheaval with destabilizing consequences. His warning today reads like prophecy. In this emerging global order, India cannot afford diplomatic timidity. Our outreach via delegations of Members of Parliament, former ministers, diplomats, and strategic experts, is not a joyride or an indulgent spectacle. It is a calibrated and essential assertion of India's role as a rising power. For many decades before 2014, a select group of journalists and foreign policy experts assumed it was their birthright to accompany every official Indian delegation: from Mongolia to Mozambique, Guyana to Great Britain, Uganda to the United States. That cosy business was shut down with Modi's arrival, and perhaps that's where the pinch lies. Now, denied their old privileges, the same skeptics struggle to stomach a new Bharat. One that walks into the world's most strategic capitals and says, clearly and confidently: this is who we are. A nation with strength, resolve, and a clear sense of self. No euphemisms. No appeasement. No apologies. This moment is more than just a response to Operation Sindoor. It is a redefinition of Indian diplomacy. Combating terror is no longer merely a domestic imperative. It is a global message, conveyed with precision and intent. India will not be spoken for. It will speak, and if necessary, act for itself. Dismissing the all-party delegation's visit as a 'taxpayer-funded vacation' is not just incorrect, it is dishonest. It reduces a serious diplomatic initiative to a caricature. In today's world of weaponised misinformation, India must explain its position globally. Engaging with the international community is not vanity, it is strategy. Calling this outreach a 'boondoggle' ignores the stakes of global opinion-making. Silence can be misinterpreted. Propaganda can metastasize if left unchallenged. The India of today cannot afford to leave narratives to others. It must shape them, assertively and truthfully. Likewise, calling India's diplomatic messaging a display of 'victimhood' is a shallow interpretation. Nations have every right to highlight terrorism, expose international duplicity, and demand accountability. These are not signs of insecurity; instead they are expressions of sovereign confidence. Strategic autonomy does not mean silence. Nor does it mean forfeiting the right to demand solidarity when the cause is just. A multi-party delegation member and AIMIM MP Asaduddin Owaisi during an interaction with prominent figures, in Bahrain. For far too long, Pakistan and its proxies cultivated a sympathetic network within India including essayists in editorial offices, content creators posing as conflict analysts. After Operation Sindoor, they were subdued. But as soon as India began reaffirming its message to the world, their discomfort resurfaced. A multi-party delegation led by Congress MP Shashi Tharoor being welcomed by Ambassador of India to the United States of America Vinay Kwatra, in New York. This time, however, the message is different. It is firm. It is public. You are either with us, or you are not. And this will no longer be whispered in closed rooms. It will be said aloud — in Geneva, in Brussels, in New York, in Tokyo — wherever India's voice needs to be heard. Because this is not about Modi. It is about India. And India is speaking for itself now. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
