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Business Times
5 days ago
- Business
- Business Times
Leading ladies: The women heading the biggest family-led hotels in Asia
[SINGAPORE] Kuok Hui Kwong's appointment as the new chief at Shangri-La Asia is only the latest in a string of women taking over the reins across family-controlled Asian hospitality groups. The daughter of Malaysia's richest man, Robert Kuok , Hui Kwong was appointed chief executive of the prestigious hotel group on Aug 1. She is the sixth of his eight children and has been Shangri-La's executive director and chairwoman since 2016 and 2017, respectively. BT highlights some of the women who have risen to the apex of command at hotel chains across Asia. Wee Wei Ling - Pan Pacific Hotels Group Wei Ling is the daughter of late banker Wee Cho Yaw and sister of UOB CEO Wee Ee Cheong PHOTO: Pan Pacific Hotels Group The executive director (Asset, Lifestyle & Community Partnerships) of Pan Pacific Hotels Group, Wee Wei Ling, has been in the hospitality business for 36 years. Wee, 73, oversees the asset management of the group's hotel properties to managing its sustainability strategy. A scion of UOB's Wee family and daughter of the late billionaire banker Wee Cho Yaw , she co-founded People, a charity that helps special needs individuals gain skills to improve their employability. A NEWSLETTER FOR YOU Tuesday, 12 pm Property Insights Get an exclusive analysis of real estate and property news in Singapore and beyond. Sign Up Sign Up Wee, a Nanyang University political science graduate, was entrusted to run the Si Chuan Dou Hua Restaurant, a lifestyle brand under the hotel group, in 1996. The restaurant now has outlets in Singapore, Japan and Myanmar, while the Pan Pacific group has three brands – Pan Pacific, Parkroyal Collection, and Parkroyal – straddling over 30 cities in Asia Pacific, Africa, North America and Europe. Nikki Ng - Sino Group Ng is the eldest daughter of property tycoon Robert Ng from the Far East family. PHOTO: Nikki Ng Nikki Ng hails from a long line of legendary property magnates in the Far East family. She is the eldest daughter of Singaporean businessman Robert Ng, who is the son of the late real estate billionaire Ng Teng Fong. Her uncle is Far East Organization CEO Philip Ng. Ng has been part of the Hong Kong-headquartered Sino Group since 2002, and currently serves as its non-executive director and director of philanthropy. The group comprises Sino Land Company, Tsim Sha Tsui Properties and Sino Hotels (Holdings). Its core business is property development for sales and investment, though it is also a major player in hotel investment and management. Yale-educated Ng has driven charitable initiatives at Sino, like the non-profit Hong Kong Innovation Foundation and its integrated green community project Farm Together. She previously also served as the group's general manager from 2002 until 2023, before moving onto her current role. Dawn Teo - Amara Hotels and Resorts Teo's grandfather Teo Joo Lai developed the Amara hotel. PHOTO: Amara Holdings The senior vice-president of Amara Hotels and Resorts and the director of Strategic Planning and Corporate Development for Amara Holdings, Dawn Teo is also part of a well-known family business. Her great-grandfather, Teo Teck Huat, founded the company in the 1930s as the Teo Teck Huat Group. It was initially involved in construction, including development of the iconic Cathay Cinema at Handy Road in the 1930s, before expanding its core business areas and changing its name. The Amara Singapore hotel was developed and built by Dawn Teo's grandfather, Teo Joo Lai, and opened in 1986. Dawn graduated from the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania and worked in investment banking and wealth management for 15 years before joining the family business. Outside of the family business, Teo is also the co-founder and director of Objectifs – Centre for Photography and Film, a non-profit visual arts centre that supports filmmakers and photographers. Kuok Hui Kwong - Shangri-La Asia Hui Kwong is the daughter of business tycoon and centenarian Robert Kuok. She was also the former chief executive of the South China Morning Post. PHOTO: Shangri-La Asia The new CEO of Shangri-La Asia, Kuok Hui Kwong was promoted to the corner office on Aug 1. She is the daughter of business tycoon and centenarian Robert Kuok, the founder of Shangri-La and the richest man in Malaysia. The chairwoman of the group since 2017 and its executive director since 2016, she was also the former chief executive of the South China Morning Post. Harvard-educated Kuok was ranked the 40th most powerful woman in Asia in a Fortune magazine list last year. Her brother Kuok Khoon Hua, also a Harvard alumni, is a director the Kuok Group, and chairman of Kerry Holdings. The Shangri-La Group, founded in 1971, operates over 100 hotels under its four brands; Shangri-La, Kerry, Hotel Jen and Traders. It owned 81 of those properties as at the end of the 2024 financial year. Sonia Cheng - Rosewood Group Cheng is a scion of the family behind New World Development and Chow Tai Fook Jewellery. PHOTO: Rosewood Hotels & Resorts Trained in applied mathematics at Harvard, Rosewood CEO Sonia Cheng is at the helm of a group with three hotels in the World's 50 Best Hotels list, with Rosewood Hong Kong in third place. Like the other women heading hotel groups on this list, Cheng is from a storied and wealthy family. Her grandfather was Hong Kong billionaire Cheng Yu-tung, who escaped the war in mainland China in 1938 to found the real estate and investment conglomerate New World Development. He later also took over the Chow Tai Fook Jewellery store from his father-in-law. Her father, Henry Cheng, is now the chairman of New World Development and the Chow Tai Fook Jewellery store, with Sonia Cheng the vice-president of the latter. Cheng started her career in banking and finance before joining the family business as CEO at the age of 28, driving the expansion of Rosewood. This includes the first hotel to open under her leadership, the Rosewood London in 2013. She has since added the wellness concept Asaya, kids' club programme Rosewood Explorers Club and private members' club Carlyle & Co to the group's portfolio. Lee Boo-Jin - Hotel Shilla Lee is the younger sister of Samsung Electronics executive chairman Lee Jae-yong. PHOTO: Yonhap News/Newscom The president and CEO of South Korea's Hotel Shilla, Lee Boo-Jin, is the younger sister of Samsung Electronics executive chairman Lee Jae-yong and elder sister of Samsung Welfare Foundation chairman Lee Seo-hyun. Their father is Samsung Group patriarch Lee Kun-hee, with Boo-Jin previously having been the chairman of Samsung Construction and Trading Corporation. Hotel Shilla operates 19 luxury hotels in South Korea and one in Vietnam, with Lee Boo-jin at the helm since 2011. It also owns duty-free stores at Seoul's Incheon and Singapore's Changi airports. Lee is also considered a style icon in South Korea and had her name changed from Lee Yoo-jin at the age of three. She studied locally at Yonsei University, unlike her siblings, and was ranked the ninth-richest person in Korea in 2025 by Forbes. Ho Ren Yung - Banyan Group Ho is deputy CEO of luxury resort group Banyan Group. PHOTO: Banyan Group The deputy CEO of the Banyan Group, Ho Ren Yung has been part of her family's business since 2009. The daughter of the group's co-founders Ho Kwon Ping and Claire Chiang, Ho Ren Yung studied at the London School of Economics and oversaw the company's brand relaunch with 18 hotel openings in 2024. She took on the deputy CEO role a year ago. Her parents established the luxury resort group in 1994, which now has 10 global brands. It manages and develops resorts, hotels and spas across the world in Asia, Europe, North America and Africa. Most recently, it opened the Mandai Rainforest Resort in the Mandai Wildlife Reserve. Ho has also co-founded co-working space Kennel and was also the founding member of AVPN Asia Gender Network and Creative Mornings in Singapore. Naphaporn Bodiratnangkura - Nai Lert Group Bodiratnangkura is a fourth generation leader of the hospitality company. PHOTO: Aman Nai Lert Bangkok The CEO of Nai Lert Group and Nai Lert Park Development, Naphaporn Bodiratnangkura is a fourth generation leader of the hospitality company. The eponymous Nai Lert was named after her great-grandfather, who started the firm in 1894 as an imported goods business. It later expanded into hotels and transport and is now involved in real estate, education and culture beyond its core hospitality focus. At 11, the Bangkok-born Bodiratnangkura was sent to an all-girls boarding school in the United Kingdom. She went on to study hotel management at the University of Surrey before moving to New York to study at the Parsons School of Design. When called back to Thailand by her grandmother, she thought her return would be short-lived. Having made her way up to the top job, Bodiratnangkura is now plugging gaps within Thailand's hospitality sector through her family business. Charintip Tiyaphorn - Pimalai Resort & Spa Tiyaphorn is the owner representative at Pimalai Resort & Spahe resort. PHOTO: Pimalai Resort & Spa The owner representative of Pimalai Resort & Spa in Thailand, Charintip Tiyaphorn also started her career away from the family business. She initially worked in auditing, before completing a master's in marketing and management. After her graduation, she was coaxed to her father's hotel to lead the accounting and finance department, before also taking over the sales and marketing department. Today, she is the owner representative at the resort. Located on Koh Lanta, Pimalai Resort was opened in 2001 by Tiyaphorn's father, Anurat Tiyaphorn, a former lawyer. Today, it boasts a reputation of being one of the most luxurious resorts on the island. It is also one of only 78 hotels to feature on the Small Luxury Hotels of the World's (SLH) Considerate Collection for its sustainability efforts. Carolyn Choo - Worldwide Hotels Group Choo was a bank management trainee when she was called upon to join her father at Worldwide Hotels Group. PHOTO: Carolyn Choo The CEO and managing director of Worldwide Hotels Group, Carolyn Choo received an urgent call from billionaire hotelier Choo Chong Ngen , her father, in 2002 to join the family business. At the time, she had been a management trainee at a local bank for over three years. Today, she has been in the top job for eight years. Worldwide Hotels Group manages brands, including the well-known Hotel 81 chain. It also owns the Novotel Singapore on Kitchener hotel and the Mercure Icon hotel in Singapore, alongside 11 other hotels in the Asia-Pacific region. The group has grown significantly since Choo joined, from having just three degree holders and 12 Hotel 81 properties to a key player in affordable hospitality today.
Mint
10-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Mint
Fitzgerald's Gatsby is still great at 100
I reread F. Scott Fitzgerald's 1925 classic, The Great Gatsby, for the first time in my early 30s. I had moved to Delhi around that time, rented the tiniest bedsit I could find in the upmarket southern part of the city, my very own version of the seamier West Egg side of Long Island Sound in the novel, and, like Nick Carraway, the Yale-educated but 'no-money" narrator of Gatsby (to borrow a phrase from critic Tony Tanner), began getting acquainted with the new- and old-money denizens of the posher East Egg side of the society I had thrown myself into. I had a sense of turning a corner in my life, like Nick, who turns 30 in the course of the novel, and his epiphanic line about that momentous event struck a cord with me: 'Thirty—the promise of a decade of loneliness, a thinning list of single men to know, a thinning brief-case of enthusiasm, thinning air." Recently re-reading the novel after an interval of nearly 15 years, I was amused by my youthful indulgences, which, in a sense, captures the essence of what Gatsby is all about. When it came out exactly 100 years ago, it portrayed a generation of men and women and their excesses, not just material but also psychological, during the so-called The Roaring Twenties. The 1920s were a time of boundless hedonism. A flamboyant sense of optimism coursed through the air during those inter-war years, which would presage The Great Depression of the 1930s, followed by World War II. A century later, the capitalist effluence that Fitzgerald described in his novel is even more pronounced—watch the limited series, Sirens, on Netflix, in case you need a reminder, or just follow the exploits of Elon Musk and Co. The Great American Dream, once a rallying cry of egalitarian aspiration in the proverbial land of the free, is now the privilege of only the select few—indeed, the elected few, by the people. Also read: Two films show our present is the future we once feared Instead of the glamour and cultural cache of the jazz age, we have the xenophobic, exclusionary politics of Donald Trump's MAGA. In that sense, Fitzgerald's novel holds up a perverse mirror to 21st century America—the glass has cracked and the reflections in it have become distorted and monstrous. While it's tempting to read The Great Gatsby as a social commentary, at its heart it is a bloody good story before everything else. Part of its mystique is the central character himself. As late as 1924, Fitzgerald wrote to his editor Maxwell Perkins, 'I have now decided to stick to the title I put on the book. Trimalchio in West Egg." Both Perkins and Fitzgerald's wife Zelda dissuaded him from the idea, but the allusion is revealing. Trimalchio refers to a social upstart in Satyricon, a classical play by Roman writer Petronius, who is a master of revels. He is a glutton with an outsized appetite for both sex and food and, like Jay Gatsby, is in the habit of hosting lavish banquets. Curiously, by the time the novel was ready for publication, not only had the title changed, but the eponymous hero resembled nothing of the Roman character. Gatsby, as Nick tells us, doesn't drink, though alcohol flows wildly at his parties. This generosity during the Prohibition Era not only attracts uninvited guests to his raucous evenings, but also raises more than a few eyebrows. And while Gatsby has ample opportunities to indulge in sexual dalliances, he remains unmoved by the women who throw themselves at him. He has eyes for one person only, and that is Daisy, Nick's distant cousin, who is married to the boorish Tom Buchanan, scion of a wealthy family. Gatsby's life, especially his dodgy career, has been geared toward building wealth and a reputation befitting of Daisy's exalted antecedents. He erases his origins, his given name, and all the myriad struggles he had to endure in order to retrieve his beloved from the clutches of her brutish husband. Unlike Trimalchio, he does not want to lose himself in the affluence he has amassed for the sake of it. Rather, everything he has achieved—the exquisite decor of his palatial home, his sprawling property with a swimming pool, the most beautiful clothes money can buy—are to impress Daisy as her potential suitor. Apart from the enigma that is Gatsby, the other character of interest in the novel is Nick himself. Critics have pointed out that Nick isn't Fitzgerald, though the two men have shades of each other, as does Gatsby and his author. Like Gatsby's obsession with Daisy, Fitzgerald harboured a lifelong attraction to socialite Ginevra King. Although King reciprocated his love, her family was against the match with a young Midwesterner of no comparable pedigree except for an Ivy League education. Like Nick, who went to Yale, Fitzgerald attended Princeton, and like Gatsby, he served in the war. King's friend, Edith Cummings, an amateur golfer, became the inspiration for Jordan Baker, who has a short-lived flirtation with Nick. Although Nick is a stand-in for the omniscient narrator, he is not someone who can be fully trusted. 'I am one of the few honest people that I have ever known," he tells the reader, a statement that immediately puts the latter on the alert. He also reflects Fitzgerald's ambivalent feelings about the Jazz Age, in that he is bedazzled by the splendour of Gatsby's soirees but does not necessarily identify with his set. Instead, he keeps a delicate balance between distance and proximity, which gives him the advantage of having an interested outsider's perspective on everything that comes to pass in the novel. There have been several movie adaptations of The Great Gatsby, most notably by Baz Luhrmann in 2013, with Leonardo DiCaprio in the lead role. Unfortunately, the screen version puts an undue focus on the pomp and splendour of Gatsby's parties, at the expense of going deeper into the hollowness of the human condition that the novel truly trains its eye on. But, as with every great work of literature, the reader comes away with a new sense of significance with each reading. Revisiting it this time after a decade and a half, I saw less of the glitter but more of the gloom at the heart of the story. Also read: 'Mountainhead' review: Plutocrats in party mode
Axios
09-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Axios
Scoop: Regal South Beach could be replaced by "Superhuman" art museum
The only major movie theater in Miami Beach could be shut down and replaced by a museum concept founded by a marijuana industry entrepreneur and former political prankster. Why it matters: Regal South Beach is back on the chopping block after surviving a 2023 corporate downsizing effort — and a familiar face is behind the new redevelopment plans. Driving the news: BH 1100 Lincoln Road LLC, the owner of the 1100 Lincoln Road property, and a business associate are seeking city approval to redevelop the theater into an "immersive modern art museum" called the Superhuman Museum. The intrigue: Steve Berke, a former Miami Beach mayoral candidate whose comical campaign tactics gained national attention back in 2011, is listed as an applicant on the plans and refers to himself as the CEO of the Superhuman Museum on LinkedIn. What they're saying: Berke, who co-founded the International Church of Cannabis in Denver, tells Axios that Superhuman won't be like traditional art museums, which often feel like visiting a "graveyard of art." Large-scale "immersive installations" will share space with "blue chip pieces" from artists like Pablo Picasso, Andy Warhol and Jean-Michel Basquiat, he says. Seventeen exhibits, full of art and "cutting-edge technology," will "encourage visitors to explore their inner spiritual thoughts," Berke says. "We believe that everyone who enters will exit as a new person, smiling, and spiritually enriched." Catch up quick: Berke, who ran for mayor in 2011 and 2013, is a Yale-educated entrepreneur whose resumé includes being a reality TV show contestant and parody songwriter with several viral YouTube music videos. His current business ventures include the International Church of Cannabis, a marijuana-themed light show venue housed in an old Lutheran church, and a Fort Lauderdale pizzeria called Munchie's Pizza Club. During his political campaigns, Berke used music videos and publicity stunts — like the time he had Sexy Sax Man serenade the mayor — to raise awareness for his political platform and try to land an MTV documentary. What's next: The city's Planning Board is scheduled to consider the application at its July 1 meeting. If a requested conditional use permit is approved, the interior of the building will be gutted. "Our plans are to use the existing infrastructure of the theaters to create a unique narrative based walk through experience that takes you from theater to theater," Berke says.
Time of India
08-06-2025
- Business
- Time of India
WWE in the West Wing: How Elon Musk got beaten up by a gay banker; during Pride Month
Betteridge's law of headlines states that any headline ending in a question mark can be answered with the word 'no.' But that's not the case here. As far as reports—and word from the horse's mouth are concerned—it would appear that, during this Pride Month, Elon Musk , the richest man in the world, did lose at fisticuffs to Scott Bessent, an openly gay member of the Trump cabinet. And it happened in the West Wing—which is fitting, because Donald Trump is the first WWE Hall of Famer to have served as President of the United States. "Stone Cold" Steve Austin Stunner President US Donald Trump Musk, once Trump's most powerful private-sector ally, had entered the Oval Office to lobby for his pick to head the IRS. Bessent, a Yale-educated hedge fund veteran and one of the highest-ranking openly gay officials in the Republican Party, had other plans. What began as a policy disagreement spilled into the hallway. By the end of it, Musk had to be escorted out of the White House—visibly injured and politically diminished. The IRS Faceoff That Sparked the Breakdown The tension had been building for months. In mid-April, Musk and Bessent met with President Trump to argue over who should become acting IRS Commissioner. Musk supported Gary Shapley, a former IRS investigator known for his role in the Hunter Biden whistleblower case. Bessent pushed for Michael Faulkender, a MAGA-aligned economist with prior experience at the Treasury. Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Keep Your Home Efficient with This Plug-In elecTrick - Save upto 80% on Power Bill Learn More Undo Trump ultimately sided with Bessent. That single decision triggered a rapid unravelling. For Musk—who had spent months trying to position himself as the federal government's chief efficiency czar—being overruled on IRS leadership was a stinging blow. But the real damage came after the meeting. Blow by Blow After leaving the Oval Office, Musk and Bessent exchanged words in the hallway. According to multiple accounts relayed by Stephen K. Bannon, the former Trump adviser, Bessent accused Musk of failing to deliver on his promise to uncover 'more than $1 trillion' in government waste. 'You're a fraud. You're a total fraud,' Bessent reportedly said. Musk, furious, slammed his shoulder into Bessent's rib cage 'like a rugby player.' Bessent hit back. The clash escalated until aides rushed in to separate the two, just outside the national security adviser's office. Musk was then escorted out of the building. Trump, informed moments later, was overheard muttering, 'This is too much.' Days later, Musk appeared at a press event with a black eye, which he claimed came from 'play-fighting with his son.' White House officials, however, made no effort to deny the hallway brawl. Elon Musk sported a black eye at the Oval Office press meet and blamed his son X for it. A Partnership Implodes The fight marked the symbolic collapse of one of the most unconventional political alliances in modern American history. Musk, who had moved into the Lincoln Bedroom and assumed a major role in shaping Trump's government reform agenda, quickly fell from grace. His early moves—including a mass email demanding that all federal employees submit weekly 'five accomplishments' reports—alienated agencies and judges alike. His DOGE initiative (Department of Government Efficiency), which aimed to cut federal bureaucracy with AI audits and massive layoffs, drew resistance from seasoned staffers and even MAGA loyalists. By April, Musk had become a lightning rod. Protesters outside federal buildings held signs reading, 'No One Voted for Elon Musk.' Inside the White House, his influence waned. Bessent's quiet but effective resistance, grounded in budget discipline and political capital, began to prevail. Pride, Power, and the Politics of Ego That all this happened just weeks before Pride Month lent the episode a layer of cultural symbolism. Bessent, long respected for his economic acumen, had already broken barriers as an openly gay Republican in the highest echelons of financial policymaking. But the confrontation with Musk—and the fact that he walked away with Trump's confidence and no public reprimand—cemented his role as a formidable power player in the second Trump administration. While Musk's methods relied on spectacle, Bessent operated through strategy—and, in this case, personal resolve. The Fallout: Contracts, NASA, and the 'America Party' The West Wing brawl was just one rupture in a broader collapse. By May, Trump began actively distancing himself from Musk—questioning his drug use, threatening to review federal contracts with Tesla and SpaceX, and yanking Jared Isaacman's NASA nomination, which Musk had championed. Musk, meanwhile, lashed out online. He attacked Trump's landmark tax and spending bill and teased the launch of a third party, calling it The America Party. He also doubled down on claims that Trump had ties to Jeffrey Epstein—a charge he has not substantiated. Trump responded with silence at first, then blunt disappointment. 'I'm very disappointed in Elon,' he told reporters. He reportedly told aides he was considering selling his Tesla Model S, which had been parked outside the White House since March. Final Thought What started as a collaboration between two disruptors—one from politics, the other from tech—ended in recriminations, hallway brawls, and the exposure of vastly different worldviews. Musk came to Washington to dismantle the system. He left having been outmanoeuvred, outpunched, and—quite literally—shown the door. Scott Bessent didn't tweet. He didn't gloat. He just walked away, still Treasury Secretary, with his pick running the IRS and his credibility enhanced. In Washington, strength isn't measured in followers or stock price. It's measured in who the President trusts when things get messy. And during Pride Month 2025, amid a mess of egos, algorithms, and ambition, it was the gay banker who kept his footing—while Elon Musk lost his.
Newsweek
01-06-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
What Happened to Ron DeSantis? From MAGA Sweetheart to Forgotten Man
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis wanted to be king. For a moment — a real, electric flash between the fall of 2022 and the spring of 2023 — it looked like he might be. He was the governor of the third most populous state in the country, a combat-tested Navy veteran, a Harvard- and Yale-educated culture warrior who had turned Florida into a hard-right policy lab in the wake of his handling of the pandemic. He was the man who had just beaten Charlie Crist by nearly 20 points, flipped Miami-Dade red for the first time in two decades, and had Rupert Murdoch's empire begging him to take the Republican crown. Then he ran against Donald Trump. What followed was the kind of tailspin political strategists dread. Once hailed as the party's future, he's now struggling to stay relevant in a political landscape consumed by Trump. And while few are ready to rule out a comeback entirely, it's clear everything has changed. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a news conference on February 05, 2024 in Miami Beach, Florida. Among other topics, he addressed the upcoming influx of spring breakers and assured the public that law enforcement... Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a news conference on February 05, 2024 in Miami Beach, Florida. Among other topics, he addressed the upcoming influx of spring breakers and assured the public that law enforcement officials and resources were available to maintain order if needed. More Photo byThe Anointing DeSantis entered Florida politics the old-fashioned way: Ivy League pedigree, military valor, Tea Party credentials. But what really launched him was a blessing from Trump. "He ran for governor and won thanks to Donald Trump's endorsement," Eduardo Gamarra, a political science professor at Florida International University, told Newsweek. "He won, but just barely, in the 2018 election." His campaign leaned into the Trump effect hard. In a now-infamous ad, DeSantis taught his toddler to "build the wall" with toy bricks. He read bedtime stories from a "Make America Great Again" sign. The MAGA mimicry worked. DeSantis took office in 2019 and immediately set about turning Florida into a fortress of conservative values. He went all-in on culture war politics — from COVID-19 reopening battles to signing the "Don't Say Gay" bill, from six-week abortion bans to a high-profile war with Disney, the state's most important employer. The message was clear: Florida was the "free state," and DeSantis was the steward of that freedom. Donald Trump is pictured with Florida Governor Ron DeSantis on November 26, 2019 in Sunrise, Florida. Donald Trump is pictured with Florida Governor Ron DeSantis on November 26, 2019 in Sunrise, Florida."Despite being a young politician," Gamarra said, "he believed he could translate those Florida policies into national achievements and position himself as Trump's natural heir." By the time DeSantis cruised to reelection in 2022, national conservative media had already crowned him. Fox News couldn't get enough. The New York Post called him "DeFuture." It seemed the base was ready to move on from the chaos of the Trump years— toward someone who could deliver the same results with more discipline. DeSantis seemed to think so, too. What he didn't expect was that, while Trump might have been down, he was not out. In fact, he was about to embark on the greatest political comeback in modern U.S. history. The Gamble "In many ways, Trump's recent assault on DEI was inspired by DeSantis' policies in Florida's schools," political historian Matthew Dallek told Newsweek. "His anti-woke rhetoric — DeSantis' two terms as governor have provided the Trump administration with a template, a playbook, that is now being implemented on a national scale." That influence could have positioned him as a kingmaker. Instead, he tried to knock off the king. By 2022, DeSantis was openly flirting with a presidential run. But instead of striking early, he waited for Florida's legislative session to end. Trump, however, was not waiting. He launched fast and started swinging harder. By the time DeSantis announced his bid in May — on a glitchy Twitter livestream alongside Elon Musk — the "DeFuture" narrative was already slipping away. "His presidential campaign was poorly run, and he proved to be an awkward national candidate who never lived up to the 2022 hype," Dallek added. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis (L) and former US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley speak during the fifth Republican presidential primary debate at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, on January 10, 2024. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis (L) and former US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley speak during the fifth Republican presidential primary debate at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, on January 10, 2024. AFP via Getty Images/Jim WATSON Trump formally announced his bid for a second term in November 2022, and his attacks on his former protege were relentless: "Meatball Ron," "DeSanctimonious," "Shutdown Ron." As Trump's polling numbers rose, DeSantis' sank in turn. Donors began to back away, even with the governor enjoying support from Musk, the world's richest man. Endorsements dried up. In the lead up to the Iowa caucuses, DeSantis had practically taken up residence in the state. It didn't matter. He placed a distant second and dropped out before New Hampshire. "I do not have a clear path to victory," he said in his video announcement. It was a quiet exit. He endorsed Trump immediately. Retreat to Florida The campaign's collapse was widely attributed to DeSantis's "lack of charisma" and Trump's iron grip on a fiercely loyal base. By the time he bowed out, even many conservatives had shifted their hopes to other contenders, like Nikki Haley. For DeSantis, it was time to retreat to safer ground. But back home, he found something had changed: Florida Republicans no longer feared him. As the governor nears the end of his final term, many lawmakers who were once loyal are now trying to limit his power. They've restricted his ability to transport migrants across the country, started reviewing his vetoes, and are pushing to ban the use of taxpayer money in political campaigns on constitutional amendments. This comes after his administration spent millions last year fighting ballot measures on abortion and marijuana. "This legislative session in Florida has shown how much his influence has weakened," said Michael Binder, a political science professor at the University of North Florida. "The State House has pushed back, he's been clashing with the Senate, and the session was supposed to end three weeks ago — but there's still no budget." Florida Governor Ron DeSantis (L) and his wife Casey DeSantis wave as they depart the third Republican presidential primary debate at the Knight Concert Hall at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts in... Florida Governor Ron DeSantis (L) and his wife Casey DeSantis wave as they depart the third Republican presidential primary debate at the Knight Concert Hall at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts in Miami, Florida, on November 8, 2023. More MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images Even the party's inner circle began turning. "It's not just a relationship between DeSantis and Trump," Binder added. "It's really a dynamic between Team DeSantis — mainly him and his wife Casey — and Team Trump." Florida First Lady Casey DeSantis, once seen as a rising star in her own right, is now facing growing scrutiny as well. Her political prospects have faded following a scandal involving the alleged diversion of $10 million from a Medicaid settlement to her Hope Florida Foundation. Reports suggest some of that money ended up benefiting PACs aligned with her husband, turning the issue into a major controversy in the Sunshine State. "There's going to be a federal investigation," Gamarra said. "It's become a serious issue for DeSantis." Casey had been seen as the governor's heir apparent, with rumors of a 2026 gubernatorial run. That plan now looks far shakier, especially with Trump publicly supporting Republican Representative Byron Donalds for the state's top job. "DeSantis misread the situation. He thought the party was ready to move on from Trump after three straight losses, but he failed to see that most Republican voters remain fiercely loyal to him. And you can't beat Trump from within the party," Todd Belt, a professor at George Washington University's Graduate School of Political Management, told Newsweek. Frozen Ambition DeSantis may yet run for Senate. He may even try again for president in 2028. But his path is clouded, according to the analysts who spoke to Newsweek. He burned his bridge to Trump, then tried to rebuild it — holding a quiet meeting with the president at a South Florida golf club and offering to raise money for Trump's reelection. But the famously resentful president didn't fully buy in. "Trump holds grudges, and DeSantis was seen as disloyal to Trump," said Belt. "His influence in the party is minimal at this point, mostly because he didn't articulate a vision for its future beyond anti-wokeness." "The DeSantis-Trump feud appears to have mellowed," added Binder. "But there are absolutely people in both camps who haven't forgotten—and won't forget." US Vice President J.D. Vance (L) swears in Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State, in the Vice President's ceremonial office at the White House in Washington, DC, on January 21, 2025. The US Senate... US Vice President J.D. Vance (L) swears in Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State, in the Vice President's ceremonial office at the White House in Washington, DC, on January 21, 2025. The US Senate unanimously approved Rubio as Secretary of State on January 20, putting the fellow senator on the front line of President Donald Trump's often confrontational diplomacy. MoreWhat DeSantis can't outrun, though, is the perception problem. Even among Republicans who like his policies, he's never been beloved. "His biggest issue is likability," Binder said. "He lacks the charisma that successful presidential candidates tend to have." It's a sharp fall for a man who once had a full media machine behind him. DeSantis has seen himself eclipsed by rising newcomers in Trump's circle, notably vice-president JD Vance and even fellow Floridian Marco Rubio, the former senator and current secretary of state, both named by the president this month as his potential successors. Gamarra, the FIU professor, put it bluntly: "Trump hasn't done anything to elevate or support DeSantis — he considers him a figure of the past." Too Early to Count Him Out The crown may have slipped, but the game isn't over. Even now, DeSantis continues looking for openings — not just in Florida, but nationally. This week, he criticized congressional Republicans for failing to codify federal workforce and spending cuts introduced under Elon Musk's semi-defunct Department of Government Efficiency. "We have a Republican Congress," DeSantis said Tuesday in an unusually sharp attack on his own party. "And to this day, we're in the end of May — past Memorial Day — and not one cent in DOGE cuts have been implemented by the Congress." With Musk formally stepping back from government roles, DeSantis is seizing the moment to cast himself as the fiscal hawk Trumpism has lacked, according to historian Matthew Dallek. "He could absolutely still emerge as a top presidential contender," he said. "Few things are permanent in politics." While Trump remains dominant today, his track record includes three national defeats: the 2018 midterms, the 2020 presidential loss and the GOP's underwhelming 2022 midterms. Another disappointing performance in 2026 could shift party dynamics. "There could absolutely be an opening," Belt said. "But it depends on how long Trump holds on to the center of gravity." Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a press conference about a recent immigration enforcement operation, at the South Florida office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Enforcement and Removal Operations, Thursday, May 1, 2025, in... Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a press conference about a recent immigration enforcement operation, at the South Florida office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Enforcement and Removal Operations, Thursday, May 1, 2025, in Miramar, Fla. More AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell Dallek sees similar possibilities: "DeSantis is young, a two-term governor of one of the nation's largest states, and his policies have had a significant influence on the Trump administration." The road back to national relevance depends on variables beyond his control. One is time: at 46, DeSantis can afford to wait. Another is circumstance. If Trump's second administration stumbles further in the polls, he could present the right flank of the party with a conservative alternative, free from the MAGA label that either Vance or Rubio would carry. "We don't even know what will happen in 2026 yet. The full economic impact of Trump's tariff policies may not have hit. If Republicans get walloped in 2026, or the economy takes a nosedive, being closely tied to Trump might become a liability," said Binder, the George Washington professor. That message, while unsuccessful during his aborted 2024 campaign, may resonate more in 2028 — especially if voters tire of the chaos that follows Trump. The next two years could well determine whether DeSantis gets another shot.
