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Korea Herald
2 days ago
- Politics
- Korea Herald
[Lee Kyong-hee] Fake news, false reports, conspiracy theories
Within hours after President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law on Dec. 3, a rabid right-wing YouTuber contended that 99 Chinese spies were apprehended at an election management facility and transported to a US military base in Okinawa, Japan. Thereafter, social networks were rife with rumors that the Chinese accounted for 30 percent of anti-Yoon protesters demanding his impeachment. Nonsensical online demagoguery? Of course. But to many supporters of the disgraced YouTube-addicted former president, it rang true. After all, during his turbulent presidency, Yoon often blamed Chinese influence on domestic politics and elections without providing evidence. The Yoon supporters eventually descended on an enclave of lamb skewer restaurants mostly run by ethnic Koreans who left China for their ancestral homeland in search of better opportunities. Screams of 'Go back to China!' and 'Commies, disappear quickly from the Republic of Korea!' filled the air near Konkuk University, eastern Seoul. The pathetic scene of violence evoked a sense of deja vu. Rewind to July 1931, when Japan hyped a minor dispute between local Chinese farmers and Korean settlers in Manchuria to justify its aggression. The dispute began when a group of Koreans subleased land outside of Wanpaoshan village, north of Changchun, Jilin province, and began digging an irrigation ditch in an area not included in the sublease. Some 400 Chinese farmers, armed with farming tools, confronted the Koreans, and the Japanese consulate in Changchun dispatched police under the pretext of protecting subjects of their empire. The Chinese security authorities also sent police. The clash ended with several Chinese wounded, but Japanese police officers and Korean farmers unharmed. To ignite anti-Chinese sentiment, the Japanese colonial authorities had Korean newspapers publish fabricated reports claiming that hundreds of Koreans were killed during the so-called 'Wanpaoshan Incident.' Anti-Chinese riots erupted across Korea, causing hundreds of Chinese casualties and major property damage. Meanwhile, anti-Korean riots in China continued under Japan's wartime propaganda. Months later, a New York Times dispatch from Changchun dated Nov. 4 said: 'Fully 10,000 Korean farmers have been massacred by Chinese or slain while defending their homesteads during the last six weeks in Jilin Province alone, according to an estimate given out here today by a Japanese General commanding a division of 5,500 troops.' The media manipulation thus turned a minor skirmish between farming groups into a major conflict, devastating an ethnic community and eventually dealing a fatal blow to Korean independence movements in the broader Manchurian region. Fast forward to chaotic post-liberation Korea in 1945. Freed at last from four decades of harsh foreign rule, Koreans failed to achieve national unity and fell victim to great power politics. Again, newspapers played a role -- significant, if not decisive -- in the partition of the peninsula under two contesting regimes. In the summer of 1945, Koreans expected their country would quickly become free and independent again. They were not aware that the big powers, under US initiative, were considering a four-power trusteeship that might last as long as 40 to 50 years. The trusteeship issue was resolved by the foreign ministers of the US, the UK and the Soviet Union, who convened in Moscow in December 1945. Their communique, adopting the Soviet draft concerning the Korean question, stipulated a four-power trusteeship for up to five years to supervise a unified provisional Korean government, which would be established by a US-Soviet joint commission. On Christmas Day, before the announcement of the final decision, the United Press reported from Washington that 'Secretary of State Byrns went to Russia reportedly with instructions to urge immediate independence as opposed to the Russian thesis of trusteeship.' Korean media carried the story on Dec. 27, each editing and compiling it as they saw fit. The news bombarded the already polarized political scene. The idea of 'trusteeship' itself was unacceptable; anti-trusteeship became a strong rallying point for the right. The rightist Dong-A Ilbo had an inflammatory headline: 'Soviet Union Asserts Trusteeship; United States Asserts Immediate Independence.' The rightists seized upon the opportunity to denounce communists as 'country-selling Soviet stooges.' The US Military Government in Korea added to the confusion by deliberately implying that trusteeship was solely a Soviet policy. Amid extreme confrontation between the right and the left, leading politicians from both camps were assassinated. The turmoil ever deepened. The North-South division perpetuated. Much about the controversial newspaper reports on the Moscow conference, regarded as among the worst Korean press performances to date, remains a mystery. None of the newspapers offered an apology for false reporting, disregarding the basic principles of fact-checking and verification, nor did they elucidate the background of their reporting. Most recently, the press coverage of the visit by Morse Tan, a Korean American law professor and former US ambassador-at-large for global criminal justice, raises questions about his identity as well as evidence of his claims about election fraud in South Korea and President Lee Jae-myung's childhood. The press should focus more on fact-finding to enhance accountability and win back the public's trust, which has been lost to social media. Today's information disorder and consequent conundrum, complicated by the proliferation of new media and the ever-present foreign interference, requires unwavering journalistic integrity and professionalism. News consumers also need to improve their information literacy. Ultimately, they get the media they deserve.
The Diplomat
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Pro-Yoon Lawmakers Announce Bid for People Power Party Leadership
Despite Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment, the party continues to back him – meaning pro-Yoon figures have the inside track for winning the PPP's leadership race. During the past 17 years, two presidents from the main conservative party – which has rebranded several times – were impeached before completing their original term, while one president was sentenced to prison after leaving office. As a result, the People Power Party (PPP), the current incarnation of the conservative party, has clearly demonstrated that it has no capability either to field the right candidate for president or to work with the president as the ruling party to ensure a functional government. Recently, Yoon Suk-yeol's bold attempt to control the country through martial law explicitly showed that the PPP has no power to check the wrongdoings of the president. Despite the Constitutional Court's unanimous decision to remove Yoon from office over his marital law declaration, the PPP has not changed at all. On the contrary, the party insisted on defending Yoon rather than criticizing him. Even today, the key leadership of the PPP, including its floor leader and and other senior positions, consists of pro-Yoon lawmakers. In the June 3 snap presidential election, Kim Moon-soo, a far-right extremist who had been Yoon's labor minister, received 41.15 percent of votes from the public. Despite the democratic and constitutional crises engendered by Yoon and the PPP, there was only a margin of 8.3 percentage points between the winner of the election, current South Korean President Lee Jae-myung, and Kim. PPP supporters have clearly shown their unwavering support to the party, no matter its performance while in government. And that unmoving base has encouraged pro-Yoon lawmakers to announce their candidacy for the party leadership. On Sunday, Kim, the PPP's former presidential candidate, announced his campaign for the party chair. As a figure who had actively defended Yoon's martial law, Kim said his candidacy was necessary to confront the Lee administration. Kim accused Lee of being a dictator and framed the Lee administration and the ruling Democratic Party as 'anti-U.S.' forces, all without any reasonable evidence. Following Kim's announcement, Jang Dong-hyuk and Joo Jin-woo have also announced their bids for the party leadership election. Like Kim, Jang, another PPP lawmaker, has consistently defended Yoon and his declaration of martial law, blaming the DP and even the South Korean public for forcing Yoon's hand. Joo was a member of the inner circle of Han Dong-hoon, the former leader of the PPP who was previously a right-hand man working as a justice minister for Yoon. Joo and Han were among the few PPP members to engage with the National Assembly's successful push to impeach Yoon in December 2024. However, Joo also worked in Yoon's presidential office before he ran for the general election in 2024 so the public in general does not view him as an anti-Yoon politician. Like Yoon, Joo was also a full-time career prosecutor before he started working in Yoon's presidential office. Anti-Yoon senior lawmakers Cho Kyung-tae and Ahn Cheol-soo have also declared their candidacies, but the party is controlled by pro-Yoon lawmakers with the unconditional support of PPP supporters, who still believe that Yoon was unjustly impeached by 'anti-state forces.' Anti-Yoon figures represent a minority group in the PPP and are unlikely to win the chair race. Han, the former leader of the party who lent his support to the impeachment of Yoon, has already declared he will not run in the party leadership election. According to local media reports, the PPP's approval rating has fallen to 17 percent. As every voice questioning the party's decision to defend Yoon and oppose his impeachment has been disregarded and sidelined, the PPP's approval ratings will likely fall even more going forward.
Indian Express
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Gender-based polarisation is making democratic consensus harder to achieve
On June 3, South Korea elected Lee Jae-Myung as their new president, ending months of political instability following Yoon Seok Yeol's declaration of martial law and impeachment. Lee now faces the daunting task of healing a deeply divided nation. Divisions extend beyond ideological lines, increasingly shaped by gender-based polarisation. Young women predominantly support progressive parties like Lee's Democratic Party (DP), while young men seem to back conservative forces like the People Power Party (PPP) and New Reform Party (NRP). Gender polarisation in South Korea While older generations often lean towards conservatives, what stands out in South Korea is the rising conservatism among Gen Z men, who now form the base of conservative/right-wing support. Young women, on the other hand, form the core of the progressive support base. Exit polls reflected a stark gender divide among Korean young voters. Only 24 per cent of men in their 20s supported Lee (DP), while a combined 74.1 per cent backed conservatives. In contrast, 58.1 per cent of women in the same age group voted for Lee. A similar pattern was also noticed among voters in their 30s. Gender division was also evident during the impeachment protests. Young men in their 20s and 30s largely joined pro-Yoon rallies, while young women dominated anti-Yoon demonstrations. Why the divide? South Korea performs poorly on most gender equality metrics. In 2025, the gender pay gap remained the highest in the OECD at 31.2 per cent. Despite these disparities, many young South Korean men (especially in their 20s) are turning conservative. Academics attribute this shift to socio-economic anxieties, including unemployment, military service, perceived loss of male privileges, and feelings of marginalisation and reverse discrimination, as women gain ground in traditionally male-dominated fields like education and employment. Online platforms, particularly male-dominated communities like Ilbe, have also become echo chambers for anti-feminist narratives and resentment-driven identity politics. Moreover, nationwide feminist movements like 4B, MeToo, Escape the Corset, and the Hyewha station protests against spy-camera voyeurism (molka) gained traction. These, however, also deepened gender divides. 'Feminism' became a slur, with many young men perceiving it as a threat rather than a push for equality. Why do men vote for conservatives? Political analysts Robert E Kelly and Jaekwon Suh note that many South Korean voters support one party mainly out of opposition to the other, with partisan divides increasingly driven by emotion rather than clear policy-based ideological distinctions. Parties like DP and PPP have tapped into emotional divides, especially around gender. Many young men feel alienated by the DP and support the PPP, which they see as defending their interests, reflected in Yoon's 2022 pledge to abolish the Gender Equality Ministry and blaming feminism for the country's low birth rate. In 2025, the conservative vote was split. Lee, known for his anti-feminist stance, tried to rally disaffected young men using Yoon's anti-women and pro-men playbook. PPP's leader Kim Moon-soo, also alienated women by remarking that 'women would rather raise dogs than have children'. Global Political Division between young men and women South Korea is not the only country experiencing political polarisation along gender lines. In many democracies, young men are increasingly gravitating toward conservatism, though the underlying causes vary. In the 2024 US presidential election, as per the AP VoteCast survey, Kamala Harris maintained an advantage among women, winning 53 per cent of their votes compared to Trump's 46 per cent. In contrast, Trump gained ground among men (including Black and Latino men), securing 54 per cent of their support. After the overturning of Roe v Wade in 2022, reproductive rights became a central issue for women. However, Trump's rhetoric dismissed women's concerns and appealed to male grievances about gender equality. Trump and Harris also strategically targeted gendered audiences. For instance, Trump appeared on The Joe Rogan Experience podcast, popular among young men, while Harris joined the Call Her Daddy podcast, which appeals to women under 35. In Germany's 2025 election, about 35 per cent of women between the ages of 18 and 24 voted for the far-left Die Linke Party, while 27 per cent of young men voted for the far-right Alternative for Germany (AFD party). What lies ahead? Gender-based polarisation is making democratic consensus harder to achieve. Instead of supporting a party's vision, voters increasingly vote against perceived threats to their identity. This weakens democracies, making politics more personal, polarised, and confrontational. Across the globe, young men and women are growing further apart in their worldviews. This growing gender divide is particularly concerning, as it may even affect Gen Z's ability to form relationships and start families — an alarming trend for countries like South Korea that are already facing declining birthrates. The writer is a Research Assistant at the Council for Strategic and Defence Research (CSDR) and a PhD Scholar in Korean Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi
NDTV
04-06-2025
- General
- NDTV
Young South Korean Women Help Propel Liberal Candidate Lee To Victory
Seoul: Young women in South Korea voted in droves to help new liberal President Lee Jae-myung win Tuesday's election, reflecting the entrenched gender divide over politics in the country where more young men backed conservative candidates. Around 58 per cent of women voters in their 20s and 57 per cent in their 30s voted for Lee of the Democratic Party, a joint exit poll by three broadcasters showed, mirroring the 2022 presidential election, while a majority of their male peers picked Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party and Lee Jun-seok, another conservative candidate. Young women led the charge against former President Yoon Suk Yeol who was ousted in April by the Supreme Court after being impeached over his short-lived imposition of martial law, triggering the snap election. They outnumbered their male peers in massive anti-Yoon protests as they waved K-pop light sticks while braving near sub-zero temperatures in the winter. "I voted for Lee Jae-myung in part because I was a little nervous about candidate Kim Moon-soo climbing in polls towards the end of the election," said Moon Song-hee, a 32-year-old female voter in Seoul. Mr Kim and his party had failed to distance themselves from Mr Yoon, driving away people like her who were protesting outside parliament soon after the December 3 martial law declaration, she said. The women-led "revolution" is a starting point for making progress on gender equality that was reversed under Yoon, the Korea Women's Association United said in a statement. "This is not a simple regime change, but a historical achievement made by the fierce struggle of the people to restore the gender-equal democracy destroyed by the Yoon Suk Yeol regime," the group said in a statement. The issue of gender inequality has become a lightning rod in the country. South Korea has the worst gender pay gap in the OECD, with women earning about two-thirds of the income of men. Efforts to redress such inequalities have triggered a backlash among young men, amid perceptions of reverse discrimination, including disgruntlement at the compulsory military service that is not required for women, some experts say. Former leader Mr Yoon tapped into anti-feminist sentiment by vowing to abolish the gender equality ministry and courted young male voters in the last election in 2022, losing a majority of young women's votes to Lee. The ministry has outlived Yoon, though without a minister. "I was baffled by the promise to abolish the gender equality ministry. To be honest, I didn't really think that women were on their minds for the past three years," she said after voting for Mr Lee for the second time. Mr Lee has vowed to expand the role of the gender equality ministry and strengthen punishment for violence against women. "Young people were driven to extreme competition to the point of fighting between men and women," Mr Lee said as he was sworn in as president on Wednesday, blaming a lack of opportunities and stiff competition for driving a wedge between the genders. However, Mr Lee has not been a vocal supporter of anti-discrimination legislation and when the Democratic Party first revealed his policies, a lack of gender issues drew criticism. The Korea Women's Political Network, an activist group, contended that Mr Lee was ignoring gender equality out of fear it would hurt him at the polls, and after his victory, urged him to adopt some of the commitments made by the minor Democratic Labor Party's candidate Kwon Young-kook. Kwon Seo-hyun, an 18-year-old freshman at Sookmyung Women's University said she took part in anti-Yoon protests following his martial law, but voted for candidate Kwon, who has called himself a feminist. He was the only candidate who vowed to enact anti-discrimination laws. "One thing I am a bit frustrated about with mainstream candidates whether Lee Jae-myung or other conservative candidates is they lack policy on women or minority groups," she said. Gender equality was not among the key policy issues put forward during this election, a stark contrast from the 2022 vote. There were also no female candidates running in a presidential election for the first time in 18 years.
Yahoo
04-06-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Young South Korean women help propel liberal candidate Lee to victory
(Corrects to remove hyphen from Yoon Suk Yeol's name in paragraph 3) By Hyunsu Yim and Ju-min Park SEOUL (Reuters) -Young women in South Korea voted in droves to help new liberal President Lee Jae-myung win Tuesday's election, reflecting the entrenched gender divide over politics in the country where more young men backed conservative candidates. Around 58% of women voters in their 20s and 57% in their 30s voted for Lee of the Democratic Party, a joint exit poll by three broadcasters showed, mirroring the 2022 presidential election, while a majority of their male peers picked Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party and Lee Jun-seok, another conservative candidate. Young women led the charge against former President Yoon Suk Yeol who was ousted in April by the Supreme Court after being impeached over his short-lived imposition of martial law, triggering the snap election. They outnumbered their male peers in massive anti-Yoon protests as they waved K-pop light sticks while braving near sub-zero temperatures in the winter. "I voted for Lee Jae-myung in part because I was a little nervous about candidate Kim Moon-soo climbing in polls towards the end of the election," said Moon Song-hee, a 32-year-old female voter in Seoul. Kim and his party had failed to distance themselves from Yoon, driving away people like her who were protesting outside parliament soon after the December 3 martial law declaration, she said. The women-led "revolution" is a starting point for making progress on gender equality that was reversed under Yoon, the Korea Women's Association United said in a statement. "This is not a simple regime change, but a historical achievement made by the fierce struggle of the people to restore the gender-equal democracy destroyed by the Yoon Suk Yeol regime," the group said in a statement. The issue of gender inequality has become a lightning rod in the country. South Korea has the worst gender pay gap in the OECD, with women earning about two-thirds of the income of men. Efforts to redress such inequalities have triggered a backlash among young men, amid perceptions of reverse discrimination, including disgruntlement at the compulsory military service that is not required for women, some experts say. Former leader Yoon tapped into anti-feminist sentiment by vowing to abolish the gender equality ministry and courted young male voters in the last election in 2022, losing a majority of young women's votes to Lee. The ministry has outlived Yoon, though without a minister. "I was baffled by the promise to abolish the gender equality ministry. To be honest, I didn't really think that women were on their minds for the past three years," she said after voting for Lee for the second time. Lee has vowed to expand the role of the gender equality ministry and strengthen punishment for violence against women. "Young people were driven to extreme competition to the point of fighting between men and women," Lee said as he was sworn in as president on Wednesday, blaming a lack of opportunities and stiff competition for driving a wedge between the genders. However, Lee has not been a vocal supporter of anti-discrimination legislation and when the Democratic Party first revealed his policies, a lack of gender issues drew criticism. The Korea Women's Political Network, an activist group, contended that Lee was ignoring gender equality out of fear it would hurt him at the polls, and after his victory, urged him to adopt some of Kwon's commitments. Kwon Seo-hyun, an 18-year-old freshman at Sookmyung Women's University said she took part in anti-Yoon protests following his martial law, but voted for Kwon Young-kook, the minor Democratic Labor Party's candidate. Kwon has called himself a feminist and was the only candidate who vowed to enact anti-discrimination laws. "One thing I am a bit frustrated about with mainstream candidates whether Lee Jae-myung or other conservative candidates is they lack policy on women or minority groups," she said. Gender equality was not among the key policy issues put forward during this election, a stark contrast from the 2022 vote. There were also no female candidates running in a presidential election for the first time in 18 years.
